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A  HISTORY 


LAWRENCE,   KANSAS 


THE  FIRST  SETTLEMENT 


TO 


THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION 


BY 

RICHARD  CORDLEY,  D.  D. 

WHO   CAME  TO   KANSAS    IN    1S57  ;   PASTOR   OF   PLYMOUTH    CONGREGATIOxXAL    CHURCH 

AT   LAWRENCE   FROM    1857    TO    1875   AND    1SS4   TO   PRESENT   TIME 

AN  EYE  WITNESS  OF  THE  QUANTRILL  RAID 


Published  by  E.  F.  Caldwell 
lawrence,  kansas 


1895 
LAWRENCE    JOURNAL    PRESS 


PRESERVATION 
COPY  ADDED 


Copyright  1895,  by  E.  F.  CALDWELL. 
All  rights  reser-ved. 


CUj^ 


PREFACE . 

About  three  years  ago,  it  was  suggested  that  the  writer 
prepare  a  history  of  Lawrence  covering  the  period  of  its 
early  settlement.  Without  realizing  what  was  involved  in 
such  an  undertaking,  he  consented.  Since  coming  to  under- 
stand the  difficulties  in  the  way  he  has  often  been  inclined 
to  withdraw  his  consent.  It  soon  became  evident  that  no 
history  can  ever  be  written  which  will  be  satisfactory  to  those 
who  took  part  in  those  early  struggles.  It  was  a  time  of 
intense  excitement,  and  those  who  passed  through  those 
scenes  retain  vivid  impressions  of  them.  Any  description 
will  seem  tame  compared  with  the  graphic  picture  they  have 
in  mind. 

Then  it  is  impossible  to  do  justice  to  all  the  actors  engaged. 
The  movement  that  saved  Kansas  was  of  the  people,  rather 
than  of  the  leaders.  There  were  leaders,  but  they  were 
leaders  chiefly  because  they  went  before.  They  did  not 
create  the  movement,  nor  the  sentiment  out  of  which  it  grew. 
The  people  moved  towards  Kansas  of  their  own  impulse. 
They  did  not  go  at  the  beck  of  any  man.  They  followed 
certain  men  because  they  were  going  their  way.  If  all  the 
leaders  had  failed  them  they  would  have  chosen  others  and 
gone  on.  They  were  moved  by  individual  conviction  and 
a  common  impulse.  Men  and  women  who  have  never  been 
heaic.  '  -iisplayed  a  spirit  of  self  sacrifice  and  heroism  as 
worthy  of  remembrance  as  anything  history  records  of  the 
noted  names.      No  history  can  do  honor  to  all  who  deserve  it. 


um'SB&r 


IV  PREFACE. 

It  is  becoming  quite  common  to  under-rate  the  heroism 
that  saved  Kansas  for  freedom.  The  cold  blooded  historian 
goes  mousing  among  old  letters  and  he  finds  that  these  early, 
heroes  were  men  and  women,  of  like  frailties  with  ourselves. 
But  the  glory  of  heroism  is  not  that  angels  come  down  to 
mingle  in  the  affairs  of  men,  but  that  common  men  and 
women,  when  the  occasion  demands,  can  rise  to  such 
sublime  heights  of  heroism  and  self  sacrifice. 

It  becomes  the  people  of  Kansas  to  appreciate  her  own 
history  and  the  men  who  laid  the  first  foundations.  It  was  the 
heroic  age,  and  in  the  future  it  will  take  its  place  with 
Plymouth  Rock  and  Lexington. 

The  writer  acknowledges  his  indebtedness  to  those  who 
have  written  before  him.  It  would  be  impossible  to  name  all 
the  writers  who  have  been  of  service  to  him.  The  following 
are  among  the  number: 

A.  T.  Andreas,  History  of  the  State  of  Kansas;  especially 
his  military  history  and  county  histories;  Charles  Robinson, 
The  Kansas  Conflict;  Leverett  W.  Spring,  Kansas;  D.  W. 
Wilder,  Kansas  Annals;  Eli  Thayer,  The  Kansas  Crusade; 
J,  H.  Gihon,  Governor  Geary's  Administration;  United  States 
Biographical  Dictionary;  J.  N.  Holloway,  History  of  Kansas; 
W.  A.  Phillips,  Conquest  of  Kansas;  C.  S.  Gleed,  Kansas 
Memorial;  The  publications  of  Kansas  State  Historical 
Society. 

The  writer  gladly  acknowledges  his  special  obligation  to 
Hon.  F.  G.  Adams  of  the  State  Historical  Society  who  has  at 
all  times  given  him  free  access  to  the  remarkable  collection  of 
early  newspapers  which  are  on  file  in  the  rooms  of  that  insti- 
tution. 

Richard  Cordley. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

PREFACE iii 

CHAPTER  I. 

The  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill. — The  North  Aroused.— The  Emigrant  Aid 
Company. — Eli  Thayer,  Amos  A.  Lawrence  and  Dr.  Charles  Rob- 
inson.— The  First  New  England  Emigrants  Reach  Mount  Oread, 
Organize  a  Town  Company  and  Lay  Out  the  Town. —  "What  Shall 
We  Call  It?  " — Pitching  Tents  and  Building  Cabins. — Pioneer 
Boarding  House i 

CHAPTER  II. 

Reinforcements. — -The  Disgust  of  the  Kid-gloved  Contingent. — First 
Sabbath  Services.  — The  First  Funeral. — Town  Site  Troubles. — 
"Shoot  to  Hit." — First  Election  for  Delegate  to  Congress. — Judge 
Wakefield. — The  First  School. ^ — Three  Newspapers.- — Winter  in 
Tents  and    Cabins 15 

CHAPTER  III. 

Spring    Election,    March     30th,     1855.^ — Excitement  in    Missouri. — An 
Army  of  Voters  Invade  Lawrence. — Missouri  Voters  Elect  a  Kansas 
Legislature. — Slavery  Triumphant  and  Exultant. — Free-State  Men~1 
Despondent  and  Indignant. — What  Shall  We  Do?  — Dr.  Robinson's 
Policy.  —  "  Bogus  Legislature  "  Repudiated :^8  w^ 

CHAPTER  IV. 

The  Conflict  Begun. — The  Dow  Murder. — The  Branson  Rescue. — Sher- 
iff Jones  Appeals  to  the  Governor. — The  Governor  Calls  Out  the 
Militia. — Missouri  Responds  to  the  Call. — The  W^ikarusa  War. — 
The  Army  at  Franklin. — Preparations  for  Defense 45  '/ 

CHAPTER  V. 

Governor   Shannon   Alarmed. — Telegraphs   the  President  for  Regular 
Troops. — They  Do  Not  Come. — The  Governor  Visits  Lawrence. — 
Confers   with    the     Free-State   Men. — A   Treaty   of   Peace.— The      / 
Militia  Go  Home. — A  Love  Feast  at  Lawrence. — The   Murder  of 
Barber. — Old  John  Brown. .  (32  \^ 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


A  Hard  Winter.— Conflict  Takes  a  New  Form  in  the  Spring. — The 
Courts  Come  to  the  Rescue. — Judge  Lecompte's  Charge. — The 
Grand  Jury's  Indictment. — High  Treason. — The  Sacking  of  Law- 
rence.— Burning  of  the  Free-State  Hotel  and  Printing  Offices 80"^'' 

CHAPTER  VII. 

The  Summer  of  1856. — Outrages  Everywhere. — Lawrence  Invested  by 
Pro-Slavery  "Forts". — The  Capture  of  Franklin,  Fort  Saunders  and 
Fort  Titus. — Titus  a  Prisoner. — Governor  Shannon  Makes  Another 
Treaty. — Governor  Shannon  Resigns, — Daniel  Woodson  Acting 
Governor 104  ^ 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Retaliation.— Martial  Law. — Militia  Called  Out. — Missouri  Responds. 
— Tweny-eight  Hundred  March  on  Lawrence. — Governor  John 
W.  Geary  Arrives. — Appears  in  Lawrence  with  Troops. — The 
Militia  Sent  Home.  — "  The  Benign  Influences  of  Peace." 123    / 

CHAPTER  IX. 

The  Bogus  Legislature  Again. — Governor  Gaary  Comes  into  Collision 
I            with  It. — He  is  Bitterly  Assailed  by  Pro-Slavery  Leaders. ^ — Resigns 
^'          in  March. — Walker  and   Stanton. — Peace  and  Progress  and  Pros- 
perity.— Lawrence  and  her  Voluntary  City  Government. — Martial 
Law  Once  More 138 

CHAPTER  X. 

Lecompton  Constitutional  Convention. — The  Census  and  Apportion- 
ment.— Free-State  Men  Ignore  It.- — Election  of  Territorial  Legisla- 
ture.—Shall  We  Vote?— ]Free-State  Men  Carry  the  Election.— Ox- 
ford and  the  Cincinnati  Directory. — Walker  Throws  Out  the 
Fraudulent  Returns. — Is  Removed  from  Office 146  l/ 

CHAPTER  XI. 

The  Territorial  Legislature  Adjourns  to  Lawrence. — The  Bogus  Laws 
Sent  Home. — The  Lavrrence  Charter. — A  City  Government  at 
Last. — Samuel  Medary  Governor 154 


c 


•^ 


CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Lawrence  in  1858. — The  Ebb  of  the  Tide. — Spring  Immigration  whic^ 
Failed  to  Come. — The  Underground  Railroad. — Progress  in  Build- 
ing;   In  Churches. — Temperance   in    Lawrence. — The   Drouth   of 
i860. — The  Last  Territorial  Legislature.— Kansas  Admitted  into  the  \ 
Union. — A  Free  State 161 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

The  Beginning  of  the  Civil  War. — Exposed  Condition  of  Kansas.— Her 
Interest  in  the  Conflict. — The  First  Enlistments.— The  Battle  of 
Wilson's  Creek. — The  Contrabands. — Lawrence  in  Close  Touch 
with  the  Soldiers 175 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

The  Lawrence  Raid. — Its  Antecedents  and  Causes.— William  C.  Quan- 
trill,  Its  Unique  Character. — Other  Raids. — Its  Unparalleled 
Brutality 187 

CHAPTER  XV. 

The  Lawrence  Raid. — The  Approach.- — The  Charge  and  the  Surprise. 
— The  Surrender  of  the  Hotel. — The  Burning  and  the  Killing 
Begin. — Four  Hours  of  Slaughter. — Marvelous  Escapes. — The 
Heroism  of    the  Women 198 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

The  Lawrence  Raid.— The  Departure  and  Pursuit. — The  Scene  Left 
Behind. — The  Burial  of  the  Dead. — The  Ruin  and  the  Loss. — 
Sympathy  and   Help. — Rebuilding  the  Town 233 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

Another  Summer. — Lawrence  Restored. — Improvements. — The  New 
Bridge. — Enalrgement. — New  Alarm. — Price  is  Coming. — Prep- 
arations for  Defense. — Martial  Law. — Militia  Ordered  Out. — The 
Battles  on  the  Blue. — A  Night  of  Anxiety.— "  Joy  Cometh  in  the 
Morning." — The  War  is  Over. — Peace  at  Last 253 


;] 


CHAPTER  I. 

The  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill. — The  North  Aroused. — The 
Emigrant  Aid  Company. — Eli  Thayer,  Amos  A.  Law- 
rence AND  Dr.  Charles  Robinson. — The  First  New 
England  Emigrants  Reach  Mount  Oread,  Organize  a 
Town  Company  and  Lay  Out  the  Town.  —  "What  Shall 
We  Call  It  ?  " — Pitching  Tents  and  Building  Cabins. — 
Pioneer  Boarding  House. 

When  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  passed,  May  25,  1854,  there 
was  a  feeling  of  despondency  all  over  the  north.  The  dis- 
cussion of  the  bill  had  been  long  and  exciting,  and  the  whole 
country  had  joined  in  it.  It  was  discussed  in  every  news- 
paper, in  every  gathering  of  citizens,  in  every  school  lyceum. 
It  was  everywhere  felt  that  its  passage  opened  Kansas  to 
slavery,  and  that  was  thought  to  be  equivalent  to  making 
Kansas  a  slave  state.  Kansas  lay  beyond  Missouri,  and 
Missouri  w'as  a  slave  state.  The  border  counties  of  Missouri 
had  a  large  slave  population,  and  an  intense  pro-slavery 
sentiment.  The  south  pressed  the  passage  of  the  bill  for 
the  sole  purpose  of  securing  Kansas  to  slavery,  and  when  the 
bill  had  passed  she  felt  assured  that  her  end  was  gained.  In 
the  natural  order  of  things  this  conclusion  would  have  been 
justified  by  the  sequel.  In  the  natural  order  of  things  the 
people  of  Missouri  would  have  passed  over  into  Kansas  and 
shaped  her  institutions  to  suit  themselves.  Therefore  the 
south  was  jubilant  and  the  north  despondent  when  the  bill 
passed. 

But  after  the  first  shock  was  over,  people  began  to  ask 
''What  can  be  done  now?"  The  question  so  long  discussed 
had  taken  too  strong  a  hold  on  the  public  mind  to  be  dropped. 
Congress  had  thrown  the  territory  open  to  slavery.  Was 
there  any  other  way  of  keeping  it  out  ?  Mr.  Eli  Thayer,  of 
1 


2  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

Worcester,  Massachusetts,  proposed  to  meet  the  question  on 
the  terms  of  the  bill  itself.  The  bill  provided  that  the  people 
of  the  territory  should  themselves  determine  whether  it  should 
be  slave  or  free.  ''Let  us  settle  Kansas  with  people  who 
will  make  it  free  by  their  own  voice  and  vote."  William  H. 
Seward  had  foreshadowed  this  policy  in  a  speech  in  the 
United  States  Senate.  ''Come  on,  then,  gentlemen  of  the 
slav^  states.  Since  there  is  no  escaping  your  challenge,  we 
accept  it  in  the  name  of  freedom.  We  will  engage  in  com- 
petition for  the  virgin  soil  of  Kansas,  and  God  give  the  victory 
to  the  side  which  is  stronger  in  numbers,  as  it  is  in  right." 

The  contest,  therefore,  was  transferred  to  the  plains  of 
Kansas.  The  north  had  been  defeated  in  congress;  she  would 
try  again  in  Kansas.  In  accordance  with  this  purpose, 
"The  Emigrant  Aid  Company"  was  formed  in  Massachusetts. 
Its  purpose  was  to  encourage  and  aid  emigration  to  Kansas. 
Many  leading  men  joined  in  the  movement.  Amos  A.  Law- 
rence, of  Boston,  a  man  of  wealth  and  honor  and  large  influ- 
ence, was  prominent  among  those  who  gave  the  movement 
not  only  their  sanction,  but  their  active  cooperation.  These 
men  never  faltered  in  the  long  struggle,  but  were  always 
ready  with  voice  and  purse  to  help  the  cause  along. 

The  interest  was  not  confined  to  New  England,  but  was 
general  and  widespread.  The  rising  tide  of  anti-slavery 
sentiment  was  rapidly  centering  upon  one  practical  point: 
"Slavery  must  not  secure  another  foot  of  the  public  domain." 
Men  anxious  to  check  slavery  felt  that  here  was  the  oppor- 
tunity to  do  something  effective.  They  could  not  vote  in 
congress,  but  they  could  go  to  Kansas,  and  vote,  and  that 
would  accomplish  the  same  thing.  Even  before  the  bill 
passed  this  thought  began  to  mature,  and  people  here  and 
there  were  preparing  for  what  they  saw  was  coming. 

Early  in  May,  1854,  the  Barber  brothers,  Thomas  W.  and 
Oliver   P.,   with   Samuel  Walker  and   Thomas   M.   Pearson, 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  3 

made  a  tour  in  the  territory  with  a  view  to  settlement.  They 
had  all  been  ''boys  together"  in  Franklin  county,  Pennsyl- 
vania, but  the  Barbers  now  lived  in  Indiana.  They  came  to 
Westport,  Missouri,  by  public  conveyance.  Here  they  hired 
a  half-breed  Indian  to  take  them  over  the  territory  with  his 
team.  They  spent  a  night  at  ''Blue  Jacket  Crossing"  on  the 
Wakarusa,  and  passed  over  what  was  to  be  the  site  of 
Lawrence,  passing  up  the  spur  of  the  hill  south  of  where  the 
university  now  stands.  They  went  up  as  far  as  Topeka  where 
there  was  an  old-fashioned  rope  ferry;  they  then  went  across 
the  prairies  to  Fort  Leavenworth  and  then  back  to  their 
home.  The  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  passed  while  they  were  in 
the  territory.  All  four  afterwards  removed  to  Kansas,  and 
vv^ere  largely  instrumental  in  inducing  others  to  come. 

The  most  systematic  and  extensive  movement,  however, 
Avas  made  in  New  England.  "The  New  England  Emigrant 
Aid  Company,"  which  had  been  chartered  by  the  legislature  of 
Massachusetts  in  April,  was  then  called  "The  Massachusetts 
Emigrant  Aid  Society."  But  afterwards  a  new  charter  was 
obtained  for  "The  New  England  Emigrant  Aid  Company." 
The  men  engaged  in  it,  Eli  Thayer,  Amos  A.  Lawrence,  and 
others,  began  their  work  at  once,  arousing  public  interest  and 
making  arrangements. to  facilitate  emigration  to  Kansas.  As 
early  as  June,  1854,  they  sent  Dr.  Charles  Robinson,  of 
Fitchburg,  and  Mr.  Charles  H.  Branscomb,  of  Holyoke,  to 
explore  the  territory  and  select  a  site  for  a  colony.  Dr. 
Robinson  was  just  the  man  for  such  a  mission.  Besides  being 
in  full  sympathy  with  the  ideas  of  Mr.  Thayer,  he  knew  the 
methods  of  the  frontier.  In  1849  he  went  to  California  with 
the  gold  seekers,  and  was  a  prominent  actor  in  the  stirring 
scenes  which  characterized  the  early  history  of  that  state.  In 
those  turbulent  times  he  had  been  severely  wounded,  and  had 
been  put  under  arrest  and  kept  in  prison  for  several  months. 
But  he  and  his  associates  finally  won  the  day,  and  California 


4  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRP:NCE 

was  saved  from  the  rule  of  the  thieves.  He  was  just  the  man 
needed  in  the  new  emergency.  He  was  cool  of  counsel  and 
brave  of  heart,  and  knew  the  conditions  he  had  to  meet.  In 
going  to  California  he  had  passed  over  Kansas.  He  went  by 
what  was  afterwards  known  as  the  "California  Road."  This 
road  began  at  Westport,  crossed  the  Wakarusa  beyond 
Franklin,  and  wound  up  the  spur  of  the  hill  just  southeast  of 
the  state  university.  It  then  passed  along  the  high 
prairie  which  divides  the  valley  of  the  Kansas  river  from 
that  of  the  Wakarusa.  Dr.  Robinson  and  his  party  climbed 
the  hill  along  this  spur,  and  looked  off  over  what  was  after- 
wards the  site  of  Lawrence.  They  marked  the  beauty  of 
the  spot  and  the  magnificence  of  the  view.  Whether  they 
thought  then  of  what  might  afterwards  occur  is  not  known; 
but  when  the  time  came  to  select  a  location  for  the  first 
colony.  Dr.  Robinson  remembered  this  view  from  the  hilltop, 
and  this  doubtless  had  much  to  do  in  the  final  decision. 
When  he  was  asked,  therefore,  to  go  and  explore  the  country 
with  a  view  to  locating  colonies,  it  was  not  altogether  an 
unknown  land  to  him.  Neither  was  pioneering  altogether  a 
new  experience  to  him.  He  knew  something  of  the  men  and 
methods  of  pioneer  life.  On  arriving  in  Kansas,  Mr.  Brans- 
comb  and  some  others  passed  again  over  the  Lawrence  town 
site,  while  Dr.  Robinson  went  up  the  Missouri  river  to  Leav- 
enworth and  other  points. 

While  these  two  gentlemen  were  exploring  the  territory, 
their  friends  were  getting  ready  to  send  out  the  first  party  of 
emigrants.  There  were  only  twenty-nine  in  this  first  party, 
but  they  went  out  to  prepare  the  way  for  others,  and  to  show 
that  the  thing  could  be  done.  They  were  accompanied  as 
far  as  Buffalo  by  Eli  Thayer  himself,  the  founder  of  "The 
New  England  Emigrant  Aid  Company."  We  quote  a  few 
paragraphs  from  his  "Kansas  Crusade:" 

"The  pioneer  colony  left  Boston  July  17,  1854.      Immense 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  5 

crowds  had  gathered  at  the  station  to  give  them  a  parting 
God-speed.  They  moved  out  of  the  station  amid  the  cheering 
of  the  crowds  who  lined  the  track  for  several  blocks. 

''The  emigrants  remained  in  Worcester  the  first  night,  and 
received  a  suitable  ovation.  Several  of  the  leading  citizens 
called  upon  them,  and  applauded  their  patriotic  devotion, 
and  pledging  remembrance  in  any  emergency. 

"The  next  day  we  were  met  in  the  evening  at  Albany  by  a 
good  number  of  citizens  who  welcomed  us  with  great  cordi- 
ality. The  next  day  we  were  cheered  at  all  the  principal 
stations  as  we  passed  on  our  westward  journey.  The  presi- 
dent of  the  Monroe  County  Bible  Society  made  an  address, 
and  presented  the  colony  with  a  large  and  elegant  Bible." 

They  crossed  Lake  Erie  in  the  steamer  ''Plymouth  Rock," 
and  went  by  way  of  Chicago  to  St.  Louis.  Here  they  were 
met  by  Dr.  Robinson,  who  gave  them  the  benefit  of  his  exper- 
ience. He  procured  transportation  for  them  on  board  the 
steamer  "Polar  Star,"  and  they  left  St.  Louis  July  24th  and 
arrived  at  Kansas  City  the  Friday  evening  following,  July 
27th.  The  journey  from  here  is  well  described  in  a  letter  by 
Mr.  B.  R.  Knapp,  published  in  the  Boston  Neivs,  and  dated 
August  9,  1854: 

"We  prepared  ourselves  at  once  for  starting.  An  ox  team 
was  purchased  to  transport  the  baggage  and  at  ten  o'clock 
Saturday  evening  we  started  on  foot  for  our  destination  across 
the  prairie.  We  traveled  as  much  as  possible  during  the 
night  as  the  weather  was  very  hot  during  the  middle  of  the 
day.  We  saw  occasionally  a  log  house  as  we  passed  along, 
inhabited  by  farmers,  of  whom  we  obtained  milk,  etc.  On 
the  evening  of  Sunday  we  encamped  on  the  lands  of  the 
Shawnee  Indians.  On  Monday  morning  we  started  early, 
and  in  the  evening  arrived  at  the  Wakarusa  river,  within  ten 
miles  of  our  destination.  Here  w^e  camped,  and  the  next  day 
reached  our  new  home.      Here  we  established  our  camp,  and 


b  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

pitched  our  twenty-five  tents,  which  made  a  fine  appearance 
though  somewhat  soiled.  On  Wednesday  the  second  day  of 
August,  we  went  to  work  setting  up  our  claim  to  the  lands, 
and  preparing  for  permanent  settlement."  The  following  are 
the  names  of  this  first  party:  E.  Davenport,  A.  Holman, 
Ben.  Merriam,  J.  F.  Morgan,  A.  H.  Mallory,  J.  W.  Russell, 
E.  Conant,  F.  Fuller,  G.  W.  Hewes,  Dr.  S.  C.  Harrington,  A. 
Philbrick,  J.  D.  Stevens,  E.  White,  W.  H.  Hewes,  John 
Mailey,  Sam'l  F.  Tappan,  D.  R.  Anthony,  H.  Cameron,  G. 
W.  Hutchinson,  George  Thatcher,  J.  M.  Jones,  Dr.  John 
Doy,  A.  Fowler,  G.  W.  Goss,  August  Hillpath,  O.  Harlow, 
Arthur  Gunter,  J.  C.  Archibald,  B.  R.  Knapp. 

This  party  arrived  August  ist.  They  ate  their  first  meal 
on  the  hill  where  the  old  University  building  now  stands. 
Of  course  they  held  a  "meeting"  and  "organized."  Some- 
one has  said  that  "wherever  two  or  three  Yankees  are  met 
together  there  they  hold  a  meeting  and  organize."  The 
meeting  chose  Ferdinand  Fuller  as  chairman.      They  were  in 

good  position  to 

"  View  the  landscape  o'er," 

which  they  proceeded  to  do.  They  also  had  some  speeches, 
and  discussed  the  merits  of  the  location  and  the  best  methods 
of  procedure.  The  situation  seemed  to  please  them,  and  they 
voted  to  "stay  here."  They  named  the  hill  on  which  they 
met  "Mount  Oread,"  a  name  which  it  bears  "unto  this  day." 
They  remained  on  the  hill  a  day  or  two,  and  then  moved 
down,  and  camped  near  the  Kansas  river  a  little  west  of  where 
the  bridge  now  crosses  that  stream.  The  members  of  the 
party  spent  several  days  "  claim  hunting,"  and  selected  claims 
all  around  the  proposed  town  site.  After  this  was  done, 
about  half  the  party  returned  east,  with  the  intention  of 
bringing  their  families  in  the  spring. 

The  second  party  of  emigrants  left  Boston  the  last  of 
August.      It  was   a   much   larger  party  than   the   first,  having 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  7 

sixty-seven  members  when  leaving  Boston.  They  received 
accessions  on  the  way,  swelling  their  numbers  to  one  hundred 
and  fourteen.  There  were  eight  or  ten  ladies  in  the  company, 
and  several  children.  There  were  several  musicians,  among 
them  Joseph  and  Forest  Savage  from  Hartford,  Vermont. 
These  musicians  had  their  instruments  with  them,  and  en- 
livened the  journey  with  music  whenever  opportunity  offered. 
Before  starting  they  assembled  in  the  Boston  and  Worcester 
station  in  Boston,  and  sang  and  played  Whittier's  ''Hymn  of 
the  Kansas  Emigrant,"  which  became  a  sort  of  national  hymn 
to  the  colonists.  These  musicians  became  afterwards  the 
nucleus  of  the  "Lawrence  Band"  and  were  its  main  reliance 
for  many  years.  They  did  noble  service  in  stimulating  an 
interest  in  music  in  the  early  times. 

The  following  is  Whittier's  "Song  of  the  Kansas  Emigrant:" 

"  We  cross  the  prairie  as  of  old 
The  f  atliers  crossed  the  sea, 
To  make  the  West,  as  they  the  East, 
The  homestead  of  the  free. 

"  We  go  to  rear  a  wall  of  men 

On  Freedom's  southern  line, 
And  plant  beside  the  cotton  tree 
The  rugged  northern  pine. 

'•  We're  flowing  from  our  native  hills 

As  our  free  rivers  flow. 
The  blessing  of  our  mother  land 

Is  on  us  as  we  go. 

"  We  go  to  plant  the  common  school 
On  distant  prairie  swells, 
And  give  the  Sabbaths  of  the  wilds 
The  music  of  her  bells. 

•'  Upbearing,  like  the  ark  of  God, 
The  Bible  in  our  van, 
We  go  to  test  the  truth  of  God 
Against  the  fraud  of  man." 

The  second  party  arrived  at  Lawrence  or  "  Wakarusa,"  as 
it  was  then  called,  September  gth.  They  had  been  led  by 
Charles  Robinson,  who  was   afterwards  the   first   governor  of 


A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 


the  Stale,  and  by  Samuel  C.  Pomeroy,  who  was  one  of  the  first 
two  United  States   senators.      It  contained   a  number  of  men 
who  were   afterwards  prominent  in    Kansas   affairs,  and   who 
will  be   remembered   with   interest   by  all   old  settlers.      The 
following  is  a  partial  list  of  the  members  of  the  party:   James 
F.  Ayers,  Joseph  W.  Ackley,  S.  F.  Atwood,  Lewis  H.  Bacon, 
Edwin  Bond,  F.  A.  Bailey,  Owen   T.  Bassett,  Susan  Bassett, 
H.  N.  Bent,  William   Bruce,    Mrs.  Bruce,    Mrs.  Bond,  F.  L. 
Crane,  Joseph    H.  Cracklin,  Willard  Colburn,  Mrs.  Colburn, 
Jared   Carter,    Ed.  Dennett,    J.  S.  Emery,    George    F.  Earle, 
Milan   Grant,    Mrs.  Grant,  Levi   Gates,    Mrs.  Gates,    George 
Gilbert,    Joel   Grover,    Azro   Hazen,    H.    A.  Hancock,    O.  A. 
Hanscom,    W.  A.    Hood,    Franklin    Haskell,    Lewis   Howell, 
W.    H.    Hove}^    R.    J.    Hooten,    S.  N.    Hartwell,    C.  Hobart, 
Alfonso  Jones,  H.  A.  Fick,  Mrs.  Jones,  Wilder  Knight,  Mrs. 
Knight,    Ed.    Knight,    G.    W.    Knight,    Miss   Knight,    D.    B. 
Trask,    W.  Kitcherman,    E.  D.  Ladd,  J.    A.    Ladd,    Luke  P. 
Lincoln,    Lewis    L.    Litchfield,    Lewis    T.    Litchfield,    Mrs. 
Litchfield,  Otis  H.  Lamb,    Samuel    Merrill,  J.  S.  Mott,  John 
Mack,  J.  N.  Mace,   Mrs.  Mace,  J.  H.  Muzzy,  Caleb  S.  Pratt, 
S.  J.  Pratt,    Samuel   C.  Pomeroy,    A.  J.  Payne,  Charles  Rob- 
inson, Thomas  F.  Reynolds,  E.  E.  Ropes,  Charles  W.  Smith, 
Joseph   Savage,  Forest  Savage,   Jacob   Strout,    Mrs.    Strout, 
Matthew   H.  Spittle,    A.  D.  Searl,    F.  A.    Tolles,    J.  B.  Taft, 
Owen   Taylor,    Mrs.    Taylor^    John   Waite,  S.  J.  Willis,  Mrs. 
Willis,    Sol.    Willis,     E.    W.    Winslow,     Silas    Wayne,    Mrs. 
Wayne,  Ira  W.  Younglove,  J.  Sawyer,  Mrs.  Carter.      Rev.  S. 
Y.  Lum,  Mrs.  Lum,  and   Miss  Anna  Tappan,   arrived    about 
the   same   time   by   a   different  route,  and  were  reckoned  with 
the    second    party.      Mr.     Lum     preached     the    first    sermon 
preached  in  Lawrence,  a  few  days  after  his  arrival. 

When  the  second  party- arrived  they  met  the  members  of 
the  first  party  and  soon  agreed  upon  terms  of  union  with 
them  in  laying  out  the  town'.      The  members  of  the  party  were 


MAP  OF  THE  CITY  OF  LAWRENCE, 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  Q 

soon  scattered  here  and  there  seeking  claims  for  themselves. 
September  i8th  a  meeting  of  the  settlers  was  held  to  effect  a 
town  organization.  The  necessity  for  this  arose  from  the 
fact  that  there  were  no  laws  regulating  such  matters.  The 
only  thing  they  could  do  was  to  set  up  a  sort  of  voluntary 
municipal  government.  This  meeting  adopted  a  constitution 
and  agreed  upon  rules  for  the  choice  of  claims.  The  next 
day  officers  were  chosen,  and  a  full  city  government  set  up. 
Dr.  Charles  Robinson  was  chosen  president;  Ferdinand 
Fuller,  vice-president;  Caleb  S.  Pratt,  secretary;  Levi  Gates, 
treasurer;  E.  D.  Ladd,  register  of  deeds;  A.  D.  Searl,  sur- 
veyor; Joel  Grover,  marshal.  The  councilmen  were  Messrs. 
J.  S.  Emery,  J.  F.  Morgan,  Franklin  Haskell.  S.  C.  Harring- 
ton, A.  H.  Mallory,  Samuel  F.  Tappan,  S.  P.  Lincoln,  S.  J. 
Willis,  N.  T.  Johnson,  Joseph  H.  Cracklin.  At  an  early 
meeting  of  the  council  the  principles  of  the  Maine  law  were 
proposed,  and  adopted  almost  unanimously.  Thus  Lawrence 
commenced  its  being  as  a  prohibition  town. 

September  20th  another  public  meeting  was  held  by  mem- 
bers of  the  first  and  second  parties.  Terms  of  agreement 
were  arranged  and  unanimously  adopted,  by  which  they  were 
to  lay  out  the  town  together.  It  was  agreed  that  the  choice 
of  shares  should  be  sold  to  members  of  the  town  association. 
Time  was  allowed  for  payment,  and  the  proceeds  were  to 
constitute  a  fund  for  public  improvements.  The  choices  were 
sold  at  prices  varying  from  fifty  cents  to  over  three  hundred 
dollars.  The  fifty-six  claims  sold  aggregated  the  sum  of 
$5,040.  At  the  end  of  the  year  the  association  gave  up  the 
notes,  and  the  obligation  was  cancelled  and  the  money  never 
called  for.  In  the  distribution  of  shares,  lots  were  reserved 
for  a  college,  for  schools,  for  state  buildings,  and  for  other 
public  purposes. 

At  midnight  of  this  same  day,  September  20th,  the  sur- 
veyor, A.  D.  Searl,  with  Charles  W.  Smith  and  three  others, 


lO  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

went  out  upon  the  high  ground  on  Massachusetts  street,  near 
the  river,  and  took  the  observations  necessary  to  establish  the 
meridian  line.  September  25th  the  surveyor  commenced  the 
survey  of  the  town,  and  marked  off  the  lots  and  streets  and 
reservations  essentially  as  they  stand  today. 

The  name  of  the  town  had  not  been  determined  upon.  It 
had  been  called  Wakarusa,  Yankee-town,  and  New  Boston. 
After  a  full  discussion  it  was  decided  to  give  it  the  name  of 
Lawrence,  after  Amos  A.  Lawrence,  of  Boston.  Mr.  Law- 
rence was  one  of  the  first  men  of  means  to  endorse  the 
movement  for  the  settlement  of  Kansas  in  the  interest  of 
freedom.  He  was  a  man  of  large  wealth  and  belonged  to 
one  of  the  most  distinguished  New  England  families.  He 
was  also  a  man  of  wide  personal  influence.  He  was  treasurer 
of  ''  The  New  England  Emigrant  Aid  Company,"  and  a  very 
liberal  contributor  to  its  funds.  A  little  later  he  gave  some 
twelve  thousand  dollars  to  help  found  a  college  at  Lawrence, 
which  ultimately  became  a  part  of  the  endowment  of  the 
state  university.  His  interest  in  Kansas,  and  especially  in 
Lawrence,  never  faltered.  His  father  and  uncle  were 
Abbott  and  Amos  Lawrence  who*  were  long  distinguished 
in  business  and  political  circles  in  eastern  Massachusetts. 
Abbott  Lawrence  had  been  a  member  of  congress  several 
times,  and  was  minister  to  England  for  a  number  of 
years.  Amos  A.  Lawrence  inherited  the  wealth,  and  reputa- 
tion, and  business  capacity  of  the  family.  He  also  inherited 
their  public  spirit  and  large  liberality.  The  naming  of  the 
first  free  state  town  in  Kansas  after  him  was  a  very  fitting 
recognition. 

The  following  letter  from  Mr.  Lawrence,  written  for  the 
Old  Settlers  meeting  but  not  received  in  time  for  that  meet- 
ing, shows  something  of  the  spirit  of  the  man  and  of  the 
condition  of  the  times.  It  has  never  before  been  made 
public.      It  was   sent  in   response   to   an   invitation   from  the 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  II 

secretary,  Mr.  Charles  W.  Smith,  to  be   present  at  the  meet- 
ing: 

"(Near)  Boston,  August  i6th,  1877. 

' '  To  the  Old  Settlers'  Association  : 

"  Dear  Friends: — Your  kind  and  pressing  invitation,  signed  with  your 
own  hands,  to  be  present  at  your  yearly  meeting,  came  close  on  that  of  the 
chancellor  of  the  university  to  be  present  at  the  dedication  of  the  new 
building.  The  same  causes  which  keep  me  here,  and  made  me  decline  the 
former,  force  me  reluctantly  to  decline  yours.  If  there  are  any  faces  on 
earth  I  wish  to  see  they  are  yours. 

' '  You  are  good  enough  to  say  that  '  free  Kansas  is  indebted  to  no  man 
more  than  yourself  in  her  days  of  darkness  and  trial,  and  many,  very  many, 
of  our  people  desire  to  see  your  face,  and  welcome  you  to  our  state.'  For 
the  last  I  thank  you  with  all  my  heart.  But  as  to  the  first,  permit  me  for 
once  to  differ  from  you,  and  direct  your  notice  to  others  who  rendered  much 
greater  service. 

"  Eli  Thayer  preached  the  '  Kansas  Crusade.'  He  originated  and  organ- 
ized the  '  Emigrant  Aid  Society '  in  opposition  to  the  plans  of  southern 
statesmen  and  politicians.  Early  in  1854,  several  months  before  the  passage 
of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  he  wrote  the  charter  of  that  company,  and 
secured  its  passage  through  the  Massachusetts  Legislature,  of  which  he  was 
a  member.  He  it  was  more  than  any  other  who  turned  the  tide  of  northern 
emigration  that  year,  and  made  Kansas  a  free  state.  He  traversed  the 
northern  states,  and  aroused  the  people,  depicting  the  glories  of  that 
country,  and  urging  the  emigrants  not  to  turn  away  from  it,  but  to  go  on 
and  possess  it.  He  never  faltered  in  his  faith,  and  he  inspired  confidence 
everywhere. 

"  There  was  Charles  Robinson,  whom  you  chose  your  leader  and  gov- 
ernor. He  was  to  you  in  that  day  what  Moses  was  to  the  Israelites.  When 
the  action  of  the  government  was  adverse  to  your  interests;  when  Reeder 
and  Geary  were  removed;  when  Atchison,  the  acting  vice-president,  left  his 
seat  in  the  senate  to  lead  the  border  ruffians,  and  to  drive  you  out  with  fire 
and  sword,  it  was  Robinson  mote  than  any  other  man  who  held  the  people 
firm  in  their  allegiance  to  the  United  States.  He  had  to  fight  not  only  the 
enemy  but  his  friends.  He  was  the  representative  of  law  and  order,  and 
so  under  Providence  the  public  sentiment  of  the  country  was  kept  in  your 
favor. 

"You  know  who  helped  the  cause  there.  Besides  those  who  are  now 
members  of  the  association,  there  were  many  devoted  men  and  women, 
who  will  never  be  known  abroad;  some  of  whom  laid  down  their  lives;  and 


12  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

all  of  whom  endured  hardships   and  privations.     Let  us  thank  God  for  the 
good  results  and  take  courage.     He  governs  the  nations  and  individuals. 

"  And  now  good  friends,  for  the  present  farewell.  We  may  hope  to  meet 
on  some  other  occasion.  At  any  rate  the  time  is  not  far  distant  when  we 
may  hope  for  a  reunion  which  shall  be  forevermore.  With  great  respect 
and  affection,  I  am  and  shall  ever  remain, 

"Yours, 
"  Addressed  to  "Amos  A.  Lawrence. 

"C.   W.   Smith,  Lawrence,  Kansas, 

"  Sec7'etary  of  the  Association  of  Old  Settlers.'" 

Rev.  Charles  B.  Boyington,  of  Cincinnati,  in  a  book  written 
about  this  time,  describes  Lawrence  as  she  then  appeared: 

''  A  few  tents  were  pitched  on  high  ground  overlooking  the 
Kansas  and  Wakarusa  valleys;  others  w^ere  scattered  over  the 
level  bottom  lands  below,  but  not  a  dwelling  besides  could 
be  seen.  It  was  a  city  of  tents  alone.  We  had  a  comfortable 
night's  rest  in  Dr.  Robinson's  tent,  and  in  the  morning  were 
introduced  to  the  only  boarding  house  on  the  hill.  Two  very 
intelligent  ladies  from  Massachusetts  had  united  their  forces 
and  interests  and  taken  boarders.  In  the  open  air,  on  some 
logs  of  wood,  two  rough  boards  were  laid  across  for  a  table, 
and  on  wash-tubs,  kegs  and  blocks,  they  and  their  boarders 
were  seated  around  it.  This  was  the  first  boarding  house  in 
the  city  of  Lawrence.  All  were  cheerful,  hopeful  and  full  of 
energy,  and  the  scene  reminded  me  of  Plymouth  Rock." 

These  energetic  people  now  began  to  build  the  town, 
living  in  tents  meanwhile.  They  built  under  disadvantages. 
One  of  these  disadvantages  was  the  lack  of  lumber.  A  saw- 
mill had  been  promised,  but  had  not  arrived.  Another  mill 
was  purchased  later  in  the  season,  but  was  not  put  in  opera- 
tion for  several  months.  In  the  meantime  winter  was  coming 
on,  when  tents  would  not  be  as  comfortable  as  in  the  hot  days 
of  summer.  The  people  adopted  many  devices  to  shelter 
themselves.  The  first  house  built  was  a  log  cabin,  about 
fourteen  feet  square.      It  stood   not   far  from    the  river  being 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION. 


13 


nearly  where  Pierson's  mill  now  stands.  It  was  still  in 
existence  until  a  few  years  ago.  It  was  not  a  very  good 
specimen  of  even  a  log  cabin.  The  logs  were  small  and  the 
openings  between  them  were  large.  There  had  not  been 
the  careful  matching  which  usually  characterizes  log  cabins  in 
the  woods.  But  log  cabins  even  of  this  inferior  kind  could 
hardly  be  numerous  in  a  prairie  country.  Other  methods 
were  better  suited  to  the  situation.  The  sod  house,  which 
has  since  played  such  an  important  part  in  the  settlement  of 
the  treeless  plains,  was  not  yet  fully  evolved.  Sods  were 
sometimes  used  for  walls,  but  not  for  the  entire  structure,  as 
has  been  the  case  in  later  years.  A  style  of  building  became 
quite  common,  which  seems  to  have  been  almost  peculiar  to 
Lawrence  and  to  that  time.  It  was  called  ''the  hay  tent. " 
It  was  built  by  setting  up  two  rows  of  poles,  then  bringing 
the  poles  together  at  the  top  and  thatching  the  sides  with 
prairie  hay.  The  house  was  all  roof  and  gable.  The  win- 
dows and  doors  were  at  the  ends.  The  gables  were  built  up 
with  sod  walls.  The  ''Pioneer  Boarding  House  "  was  of  this 
sort.  It  was  fifty  feet  long  and  twenty  feet  wide.  Here  the 
first  sermon  was  preached  by  Rev.  S.  Y.  Lum.  Some  trunks 
were  used  for  a  pulpit,  and  the  beds  and  boxes  of  the  board- 
ers served  as  seats.  Here  Plymouth  Church  was  organized, 
October  15th,  1854.  This  building  answered  all  public  pur- 
poses, as  well  as  furnishing  room  and  board  for  the  people. 
This  building  was  burned  during  the  autumn  and  the  "St. 
Nicholas"  was  built  in  the  same  way,  and  thrown  open  to  the 
public.  In  addition  to  its  walls  of  poles  and  hay,  this  house 
was  banked  up  with  sod  to  the  height  of  three  or  four  feet, 
and  was  lined  inside  with  cotton  cloth.  It  was  the  leading  hotel. 
All  the  aristocracy  of  the  place  boarded  there.  The  only 
frame  house  built  the  first  season  was  that  of  Rev.  S.  Y.  Lum. 
TJiere  being  no  saw-mill,  no  boards  could  be  obtained.  As  a 
substitute    for    clapboards    they    resorted    to    "shakes."     A 


14  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

"shake"  is  made  by  sawing  off  blocks  of  timber  about  thirty- 
two  inches  long,  and  splitting  them  somewhat  after  the 
manner  of  making  shingles.  These  ''shakes"  were  nailed 
on  the  studding  like  clapboards.  If  nicely  split  and  well  put 
on  they  made  a  very  fair  wall.  The  wind,  however,  found  its 
way  through  them  in  the  winter  time  in  a  manner  that  pro- 
vided abundant  ventilation.  With  these  different  styles  of 
architecture,  and  with  the  tents  that  remained,  the  people 
passed  the  first  winter  quite  comfortably.  It  was  a  very  mild 
winter,  and  they  thought  they  had  found   the  American  Italy. 


CHAPTER  11. 

Reinforcements. — The  Disgust  of  the  Kid-gloved  Contin- 
gent.— First  Sabbath  Services. — The  First  Funeral. 
Town  Site  Troubles. — "Shoot  to  Hit." — First  Elec- 
tion FOR  Delegate  to  Congress. — Judge  Wakefield. — 
The  First  School. — Three  Newspapers. — Winter  in 
Tents  and  Cabins. 

Three  or  four  other  parties  came  from  the  east  during  the 
first  season,  about  seven  hundred  and  fifty  persons  in  all. 
These  were  by  no  means  all  who  came.  Immigrants  came 
singly  or  in  groups  from  different  parts  of  the  country.  A 
number  of  prominent  free-state  men  were  on  the  ground  when 
the  first  party  from  Boston  arrived.  On  the  other  hand, 
several  of  those  who  came  in  these  parties,  became  disgusted 
when  they  saw^  the  true  situation.  This  was  especially  true  of 
the  third  party  who  arrived  early  in  October.  The  movement 
by  this  time  had  attracted  wide  attention,  and  the  colonists 
had  sent  back  glowing  accounts  of  the  country.  These 
accounts  were  interpreted  by  a  vivid  imagination,  and  a  number 
of  soft-slippered  people  such  as  they  would  call  "  tenderfeet  " 
in  Colorado,  enlisted,  who  exp'ected  to  find  an  earthly 
paradise.  When  they  came  and  found  only  a  few  tents  and 
a  few  thatched  hovels,  their  disgust  knew  no  bounds.  They 
were  looking  for  hotels  with  all  the  modern  conveniences,  and 
expecting  to  find  good  positions  w^aiting  for  them  in  large 
business  establishments.  After  exhausting  their  vocabulary 
in  denouncing  the  leaders  w^ho  had  "  deceived  them "  and 
induced  them  to  come  to  such  a  barbarous  place,  and  the 
people  of  Lawrence  for  not  providing  for  them  in  a  more 
appropriate  way,  they  turned  on  their  heels  and  ''went  back 
to  their  folks."  But  most  of  those  who  came  were  of  differ- 
ent stuff,  and  were  prepared   to    '' endure  hardships  as  good 


1 6  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

soldiers."  Even  these  had  all  the  hardships  they  cared  for 
before  they  were  through.  But  they  did  not  falter  as  diffi- 
culties increased,  but 

"Their  courage  rose  with  danger." 

Andreas  in  his  history  quotes  from  a  letter  in  the  Boston 
Recorder  describing  the  first  funeral  in  Lawrence.  The  letter 
is  dated  October  5th,  1854. 

''  Last  Sabbath  was  my  hrst  prairie  Sabbath;  it  was  the  first 
Sabbath  our  parties  had  assembled  for  the  'hearing  of  the  word. ' 
Rev.  Mr.  Lum,  sent  us  by  the  American  Home  Missionary 
Society,  preached  very  acceptably.  The  place  of  meeting 
was  one  of  the  large  receiving  and  boarding  houses.  We 
have  two  nearly  adjoining  each  other,  each  of  them  about 
20  by  48  feet,  covered  and  thatched  with  prairie  grass,  very 
warm  and  very  good.  We  had  a  large  and  attentive  audience. 
Rev.  Mr.  Boynton,  of  Cincinnati,  sent  us  two  boxes  of  books 
and  pamphlets,  which  I  distributed  at  the  interval  to  a  very 
eager  crowd.  All  our  people  as  well  as  others,  miss  their 
home  papers  and  books,  and  are  very  anxious  to  get  anything 
to  read. 

"Though  the  Sabbath  was  delightful  as  my  first  prairie 
Sabbath,  still  there  was  one  cloud  that  settled  dark  upon  us; 
we  had  to  open  our  first  prairie  grave.  The  call  was  for  one 
of  our  own  party,  a  near  neighbor  of  mine,  Moses  Pomeroy, 
a  fine  young  man,  an  only  son,  leaving  parents  and  two  sisters 
to  mourn  his  loss.  I  have  just  finished  long  and  very  minute 
letters  to  each  of  them.  Mr.  Pomeroy  left  the  party  in 
Illinois.  He  joined  Dr.  R.  and  myself  upon  the  following 
Tuesday  at  St.  Louis,  and  came  up  the  river  with  us.  He 
said  to  me  that  all  of  his  Illinois  friends  were  sick  of  a  fever, 
and  after  he  was  taken  sick,  he  sent  for  me  to  come  and  see 
him,  for  he  had  got  an  Illinois  fever.  I  went  to  see  him  on 
Thursday  evening,  September  28th,  and  found  Dr.  R.  and 
Dr.  H.  in   attendance.      I   saw  he  was  very  sick,    and  at  his 


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TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  1 7 

request  sat  by  him  all  night  and  ministered  to  his  wants. 
Friday  morning  I  was  very  busy  at  our  settlement.  At  even- 
ing he  sent  for  me  again.  In  company  with  Mr.  Searl  of  our 
place,  I  stayed  also  Friday  night.  In  the  morning  we  were 
all  fearful  he  would  die.  I  was  absent  during  the  day.  At 
evening  Dr.  R.  and  myself  went  again  to  see  him.  We  both 
sat  with  him  till  three  o'clock  Saturday  morning,  when  he 
quietly  breathed  his  last.  He  had  his  reason  and  was  very 
thankful  for  all  our  kindness  to  him.  He  had  fallen  among 
the  kindest  of  friends,  but  they  could  not  save  him. 

''  Sabbath  evening  at  four  o'clock  his  funeral  was  attended 
in  our  New  England  way,  services  very  solemn  and  impressive 
at  our  grass  church.  All  our  large  family  followed  in  solemn 
procession  to  the  grave,  and  just  as  the  sun  was  setting  in  a 
golden  west,  and  all  nature  sinking  to  repose,  we  gently  laid 
him  down  to  the  long  sleep  of  the  tomb." 

As  has  been  intimated  the  first  Congregational  Church  was 
organized  October  15th — the  first  church  of  any  kind  in 
Kansas  except  among  the  Indians.  The  church  was  formed 
in  the  "Pioneer  Boarding  House."  Rev.  Mr.  Lum  explained 
the  object  of  the  meeting,  and  a  committee  was  appointed  to 
draft  rules.  The  creed  and  constitution  were  adapted  from 
those  of  Mount  Vernon  Church,  Boston.  S.  C.  Pomeroy 
wrote  them  off,  using  the  crown  of  his  beaver  hat  for  a  desk; 
Mr.  Joseph  Savage  held  the  inkstand  for  him,  and  Mr.  O.  A. 
Hanscom  held  the  candle.  They  voted  to  name  it  Plymouth 
Church  on  account  of  the  close  parallel  between  the  Kansas 
settlers  and  the  pilgrims  at  Plymouth. 

The  only  serious  troubles  the  colonists  met  the  first  season 
were  from  claim  difficulties.  It  is  not  easy  at  this  distance  to 
determine  how  much  of  this  trouble  arose  from  political 
reasons,  and  how  much  from  misunderstanding  and  perhaps 
greed.  ■  The  political  situation  aggravated  all  other  difficulties, 
and  was  doubtless  responsible  for  a  great  many  difficulties  of 


1 8  .A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

its  own.  When  the  Kansas  bill  passed  the  people  of  the 
South  expected  to  take  possession  of  the  territory.  They 
urged  those  on  the  border  to  "move  right  over,"  and  take 
their  slaves  with  them.  They  said  ''two  thousand  slaves 
settled  in  Kansas  w^ould  make  it  a  slave  state."  But  the 
southern  people  did  not  have  the  ''courage  of  their  convic- 
tions." They  did  not  dare  take  their  slaves  over.  There 
never  were  but  a  handful  of  slaves  in  Kansas,  and  these  were 
on  the  border  where  they  could  be  easily  withdrawn.  But 
southern  people  determined  to  take  possession  of  Kansas,  and 
as  soon  as  the  bill  was  passed  the  men  in  the  border  counties 
of  Missouri  began  to  rush  over,  and  stake  off  claims.  In  a 
few  weeks  the  whole  region  was  claimed  under  the  pre-emp- 
tion laws  by  persons  residing  in  Missouri.  They  paid  no 
attention  to  the  terms  of  the  law,  but  each  man  marked  off 
the  land  he  wanted,  drove  a  stake  down  and  wrote  his  name 
upon  it,  and  went  back  home.  This  gave  them  no  title  and 
no  claim  because  it  did  not  comply  with  the  law.  But  they 
agreed  among  themselves  to  shoot  any  man  who  interfered 
with  them.  When  the  real  settlers  came  two  months  later 
they  found  many  embarrassments.  They  might  travel  fifty 
miles  and  not  see  a  human  habitation  or  a  human  face,  but  if 
they  attempted  to  claim  a  piece  of  unoccupied  land,  they 
found  it  already  claimed  b}^  somebody  in  Missouri.  This  man 
had  not  complied  with  the  law,  and  had  secured  no  title,  but 
then  he  had  a  revolver  and  a  bowie  knife,  and  in  the  unwritten 
code  of  the  border  these  stood  for  law  and  right,  and  pretty 
much  everything  else.  Many  of  these  prior  claims  had  been 
made  before  the  country  was  open  to  settlement,  or  before 
the  Indian  title  was  extinguished,  but  these  were  "trifles 
light  as  air"  in  the  minds  of  the  men  who  were  a  "law  unto 
themselves."  They  w^ere  all  banded  together,  and  pledged  to 
stand  by  each  other.  Law  or  no  law,  they  were  determined 
to "  keep  the  abolitionists  out  of  Kansas."  An  end  like  this 
justified  any  means,  as  they  viewed  things. 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION. 


19 


The  Lawrence  dispute  was  somewhat  peculiar.  Gov. 
Robinson  in  his  ''Conflict"  gives  a  full  and  clear  account  of 
it  from  which  this  account  is  condensed.  When  the  town  site 
of  Lawrence  was  first  selected  it  was  occupied  by  a  Mr. 
Stearns  who  had  improved  a  quarter  section  and  was  living 
upon  it.  The  Emigrant  Aid  Company  bought  his  claim  for 
$500,  and  the  ground  was  supposed  to  be  clear.  After  taking 
possession,  however,  other  claimants  appeared  and  insisted 
that  the  town  company  should  vacate  for  them.  Among 
these  other  claimants  was  John  Baldwin,  a  noisy,  blustering 
fellow,  who  had  others  back  of  him  who  were  wiser  than  he, 
and  who  were  putting  him  forward.  He  established  himself 
a  few  rods  from  the  Stearns  cabin  which  the  town  company 
had  bought.  The  agent  of  the  company,  Dr.  Robinson,  pro- 
posed to  let  the  matter  rest  till  the  question  could  be  referred 
to  the  land  office,  or  to  the  courts,  where  the  rights  of  each 
could  be  legally  determined.  But  this  was  not  satisfactory  to 
John  Baldwin  and  his  set.  Their  purpose  was  to  drive  off 
the  free-state  men,  and  prevent  the  founding  of  a  free-state 
town.  They  had  no  case  in  law,  and  could  only  hope  to 
succeed  by  bluster  and  force.  The  first  conflict  is  described 
in  Andreas'  history  as  quoted  in  Robinson's  ''Conflict": 

"In  the  meantime  Baldwin  had  associated  with  him 
Messrs.  Babcock,  Stone  and  Freeman,  men  of  means  and 
influence,  and  put  the  business  in  the  hands  of  a  speculator 
named  Starr,  who  proceeded  to  lay  out  a  rival  city,  which  he 
named  Excelsior,  on  the  claim;  Mr.  Baldwin  and  the  Lawrence 
association  both  occup3/ing  tents  upon  it.  *  ^'=  "■'  On  the  5th 
of  October  a  wagon  containing  several  armed  men  appeared 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  New  England  tent.  Hostilities  were 
commenced  by  a  woman  (a  sister  of  Baldwin,  it  was  stated) 
who  speedily  packed  the  obnoxious  tent  with  its  contents 
into  the  wagon,  the  men  with  their  rifles  standing  guard.  As 
soon  as   they  were  discovered  by  the  Yankees,   who  were  at 


20  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

work  in  the  neighborhood,  the  city  marshal,  Joel  Grover, 
rushed  to  the  rescue  unarmed,  followed  by  Edwin  Bond  with 
a  revolver.  The  latter  seized  the  horse  by  the  bridle,  order- 
ing the  surrender  of  the  property.  Others  coming  up,  they 
allowed  the  tent  to  be  replaced,  but  threatened  that  they 
would  have  two  hundred  Missourians  on  the  spot  in  a  short 
time.  That  night  the  Lawrence  settlers  organized  what  they 
called  the  ''Regulating  Band,"  to  be  ready  for  the  next  day's 
fray.  Soon  after  dinner  on  the  6th  the  Missourians  *  *  * 
began  to  assemble  in  the  neighborhood  of  Baldwin's  tent,  but 
open  hostilities  did  not  commence  until  four  o'clock, when  the 
gage  of  battle  was  hurled  at  the  Yankees  in  the  shape  of  the 
following  note: 

"  Kansas  Territory,  October  6th. 

"Dk.  Robinson: — Yourself  and  friends  are  hereby  notified  that  you  will 

have  one-half  hour  to  move  the  tent  which  you  have  on  my  undisputed 

claim,  and  from  this  date  desist  from  surveying  on  said  claim.     If  the  tent 

is  not  moved  in  one-half  hour,  we  shall  take  the  trouble  to  move  the  same. 

"  (Signed)  John  Baldwin  and  Friends. 

"The  following  reply  was  instantly  returned: 

"Tojohti  Baldzuin  and  Friends: 

"  If  you  molest  our  property  you  do  it  at  your  peril. 

"C.  Robinson  and  Friends." 

E.  D.  Ladd,  .the  first  postmaster  of  Lawrence,  tells  the 
remainder  of  the  story  in  a  letter  dated  October  23,  1854,  ^^^ 
published  in  the  Milwaukee  Sentinel: 

"Prior  to  the  notice  they  had  assembled  to  the  number  of 
eighteen,  mounted  and  armed,  at  Baldwin's,  the  aggrieved 
man's  tent,  on  the  claim  and  about  twenty  rods  from  our 
camp.  On  notice  being  served,  our  men,  those  who  were  at 
work  about  and  in  the  vicinity,  to  the  number  of  about  thirty, 
stationed  themselves  about  ten  rods  from  the  contested  tent, 
the  enemy  being  about  the  same  distance  from  it.  Subsequent 
to  the  notice  a  consultation  was  held  at  our  position  between 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  21 

Dr.  Robinson  and  a  delegate  from  the  enemy's  post,  which 
ended  in  the  proposition  of  Dr.  Robinson  *  *  *  |-q  submit 
the  question  in  dispute  to  the  arbitration  of  disinterested  and 
unbiased  men,  to  the  adjudication  of  the  squatter  courts  now 
existing  here,  or  to  the  United  States  court;  and  on  the  part 
of  the  enemy  that  on  the  termination  of  the  notice  they  should 
proceed  at  all  hazards  to  remove  the  tent.  If  they  fell  in  the 
attempt  our  fate  was  sealed,  our  extermination  certain,  for 
three  thousand,  and  if  necessary  thirty  thousand,  men  would 
immediately  be  raised  in  Missouri  to  sweep  us  and  our  enter- 
prise from  the  face  of  the  earth.  It  was  all  expressed  of 
course  in  southwestern  phrase,  which  I  will  not  attempt  to 
give.  *  *  *  Well,  the  half  hour  passed,  and  another  quarter, 
the  enemy  occasionally  making  a  movement  as  if  about  to 
form  for  the  execution  of  the  threat,  then  seating  themselves 
on  the  ground  for  further  consultation.  While  thus  waiting 
John  Hutchinson  asked  Dr.  Robinson  what  they  should  do  if 
they  should  attempt  to  remove  the  tent.  Should  they  fire  to 
hit,  or  fire  over  them  ?  Robinson  replied  that  he  would  be 
ashamed  to  shoot  at  a  man  and  not  hit  him.  Immediately 
after  this  reply  a  man  who  had  been  with  the  free-state  men, 
and  till  then  supposed  to  be  one  of  them,  went  over  to  the 
other  party,  which  soon  after  dispersed.  It  was  supposed  at 
the  time  that  the  report  of  the  spy  brought  the  "war"  to  an 
end  for  that  day.  After  the  band  had  mounted  and  dispersed 
the  principals  and  principal  instigators  avoided  our  neighbor- 
hood. Some  of  the  more  honest  dupes,  seeing  the  absurdity 
of  their  position,  and  the  reasonableness  of  our  proposition, 
came  up  to  us  and  had  a  social  chat,  and  went  off  with  a 
determination  never  to  be  caught  in  such  a  farce  again." 

This  little  encounter  did  not  end  the  matter,  but  there  was 
no  fighting.  The  Missourians  did  not  care  to  encounter  men 
who  would  ''shoot  to  hit."  But  they  kept  up  the  disturbance 
for  a  long  time  and  missed  no  opportunity  of  annoying  the 


22  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

settlers.  Once  some  of  them  undertook  to  tear  down  Dr. 
Robinson's  house,  but  a  few  men,  G.  W.  Deitzler,  S.  N.  Wood 
and  S.  N.  Simpson,  w^ho  were  in  the  habit  of  ''shooting  to 
hit,"  rushed  to  the  rescue,  and  the  ruffians  got  out  of  range. 
After  a  while  the  title  to  the  Lawrence  town  site  was  quieted, 
but  not  without  a  long  struggle  and  a  good  deal  of  bitterness. 

The  first  election  held  was  for  a  delegate  to  congress,  Nov- 
ember 26.  Not  much  interest  was  taken  in  it^  though  the 
influx  of  voters  from  Missouri  gave  a  hint  of  what  might  be 
expected  in  more  important  elections.  The  little  town  of 
Douglas,  not  far  away,  with  only  fifty  legal  voters,  cast  two 
hundred  and  eighty-three  votes,  thus  more  than  out-voting 
Lawrence  with  many  times  the  population.  At  Lawrence  the 
larger  portion  of  the  votes  were  cast  for  Judge  J.  A.  Wakefield, 
who  lived  but  a  few  miles  away.  He  was  a  plain,  honest 
man,  a  hearty  free-soiler,  and  a  unique  character,  such  as  are 
only  developed  amid  the  peculiar  conditions  of  those  early 
times.  He  had  served  under  Lincoln  in  the  Black  Hawk 
war,  and  had  waded  through  swamps  where  ''the  men  sank 
up  to  their  knees  and  the  horses  sunk  in  furder."  He  was 
enthusiastic,  earnest  and  honest,  and  in  speech  was  most 
amusing  when  most  serious.  William  A.  Phillips,  in  his 
"Conquest  of  Kansas,"  thus  describes  him: 

*' As  a  free  state  man,  the  judge  is  unquestionably  reliable. 
He  is  a  western  man,  and  no  abolitionist.  But,  as  he  ex- 
plained in  a  speech  we  once  heard  him  make,  he  was  'a  free- 
soiler  up  to  the  hub — hub  and  all.'  The  judge  is  a  character 
in  his  way.  His  public  speeches  and  private  conversation 
are  characterized  by  a  style  and  enunciation  decidedly  pro- 
vincial, and  his  grammar  sets  up  a  standard  somewhat  inde- 
pendent of  Lindley  Murray.  But  he  is  sound  and  shrewd  in 
his  opinions,  and  honest  to  the  core."  In  a  speech  made 
during  the  campaign  the  judge  said  he  was  born  in  South 
Carolina,  raised  in  Kentucky,  he  had  lived  in  free  states,  and 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  23 

had  been  a  pioneer  all  his  life.  The  judge  received  the 
greater  portion  of  the  vote  at  Lawrence,  and  the  vote  at  Law- 
rence was  the  greater  portion  of  the  vote  he  received.  Gen- 
eral J.  W.  Whitefield,  the  pro-slavery  candidate,  was  elected 
by  a  large  majority,  more  than  .half  his  vote  being  imported 
from  Missouri. 

On  the  sixteenth  day  of  January  the  first  school  was  opened. 
Mr.  E.  P.  Fitch  was  the  teacher.  There  was  no  law  by 
which  taxes  could  be  levied,  so  the  people  maintained  the 
school  by  voluntary  contributions,  and  threw  it  open  to  all  the 
children.  It  was  a  free  school,  so  far  at  least  that  no  charge 
was  made  for  attendance.  The  school  was  not  large  but  the 
work  done  was  good.  Lawrence  was  bound  to  begin  right, 
and  she  began  with  a  free  school.  Mr.  E.  P.  Fitch  taught 
the  school  for  about  three  months,  and  then  others  took  it 
up.  It  was  not  easy  to  maintain  a  school,  but  there  was  no 
year  v/ithout  one. 

A  Bible  class  was  formed  the  first  Sunday  in  October. 
There  would  have  been  a  Sunday  school  formed  also,  but 
there  were  not  children  enough.  As  other  parties  arrived, 
however,  there  were  more  families  among  them,  and  the  first 
Sunday  in  January  a  Sunday  school  was  formed,  of  which  Mr. 
S.  N.  Simpson  was  superintendent,  and  after  him  Mr.  C.  L. 
Edwards.  A  little  after  this  a  mission  Sunday  school  was 
formed  a  few  miles  east  of  town.  These  schools  were  held 
wherever  a  place  could  be  found  for  them,  and  were  often 
interrupted  by  the  disturbed  state  of  affairs. 

It  is  not  easy  to  determine  which  was  the  first  newspaper 
established  in  Lawrence.  There  were  three,  each  claiming 
to  be  the  first,  and  each  being  able  to  make  its  claim  good,  if 
you  will  follow  its  own  line  of  proof.  The  first  number  of  the 
Herald  of  Freedom  was  dated  at  Wakarusa,  October  21,  1854. 
It  was  edited  and  printed,  however,  at  Conneautville,  Penn- 
sylvania,   and    21,000    copies    distributed    from    there.      The 


24  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

material  was  then  packed  and  sent  to  Lawrence.  It  was 
delayed  on  the  way,  and  the  second  number  of  the  paper 
appeared  in  January.  Mr.  G.  W.  Brown  had  meanwhile 
moved  to  Lawrence,  erected  a  building  of  unseasoned  boards 
in  which  he  set  up  his  printing  office.  The  paper  was  ably 
conducted,  and  for  a  time  had  a  large  circulation  at  the  east. 

The  last  of  September  John  Speer  and  his  brother  J.  L. 
Speer  came  from  Ohio  to  Lawrence.  They  prepared  the 
copy  for  a  paper,  and  tried  to  get  it  printed  in  an  office  at 
Kansas  City.  But  the  proprietors  being  pro-slavery  refused  to 
do  the  work.  They  then  went  through  a  similar  experience 
with  the  Leavenworth  Herald.  Mr.  John  Speer  returned  to 
his  home  at  Mendina,  Ohio,  and  issued  the  paper  from  that 
place  October  15th.  He  returned  at  once  to  Lawrence  and 
issued  the  first  number,  of  the  Kansas  Tribune  January  5, 
1855.  Mr.  Josiah  Miller  visited  Kansas  in  August  of  1854, 
with  a  view  of  establishing  a  paper.  Like  the  others,  he  was 
hindered  in  getting  his  material  on  the  ground.  At  last  he 
was  able  to  issue  the  first  number  of  the  Kansas  Free  State, 
dated  January  3,  1855,  being  the  first  paper  actually  printed 
in  Lawrence.  The  paper  announced  that  it  was  published 
from  an  office  that  had  neither  ''floor,  ceiling  nor  window 
sash."  Mr.  Miller  had  associated  with  him  Mr.  R.  G.  Elliott, 
who  afterwards  held  important  positions. 

The  coming  of  three  such  men  to  Lawrence  at  the  same 
time  and  on  the  same  errand  is  significant.  They  were  as 
different  as  men  could  be,  and  yet  all  were  moved  with  the 
same  purpose.  Mr.  Brown  was  a  man  of  experience  and  of 
various  resources.  He  was  a  good  writer,  and  his  paper  was 
handsome  and  well  filled.  He  was  self-willed,  however,  and 
strong  in  his  antagonism,  and  often  bitterly  personal.  After 
a  few  years  he  abandoned  journalism  and  returned  to  the 
practice  of  his  profession  in  another  state. 

John   Speer  was   an  easy-going,    good-natured  man,   but  a 


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TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION,  2^ 

sturdy  friend  of  human  freedom.  He  made  no  pretense  to 
literary  polish,  but  was  a  very  fluent  and  effective  writer.  He 
had  a  wonderful  memory,  and  could  recall  at  any  time  the 
minutest  details  of  all  his  large  experience  and  wide  range  of 
miscellaneous  reading.  He  was  a  strong  politician  and  a  mas- 
ter in  the  arts  of  political  management.  He  has  had  a  large 
and  varied  experience  as  a  newspaper  man  in  Kansas  and  may 
be  called  one  of  the  veteran  editors  of  the  state.  He  is  still 
living,  honored  for  his  long  service  in  the  interest  of  Kansas, 
and  in  the  cause  of  freedom. 

Josiah  Miller  was  different  from  either  of  these.  He 
belonged  to  a  class  which  was  one  of  the  unrecognized  ele- 
ments in  the  Kansas  problem.  He  was  an  anti-slavery  man 
from  the  South.  It  was  common  to  consider  all  immigrants 
from  the  South  as  in  favor  of  slavery.  But  many  of  the  most 
determined  opponents  of  slavery  were  from  the  South.  Mr. 
Miller's  family  were  of  Scotch  descent  and  of  the  Covenanter 
faith.  They  brought  with  them  all  the  love  of  freedom,  and 
all  the  indomnitable  persistence  for  which  that  people  have 
been  remarkable.  They  settled  in  South  Carolina,  and 
though  able  toown  slaves  never  did  own  any.  Robert  H. 
Miller,  the  father  of  Judge  Miller,  had  got  himself  into  trouble 
through  his  anti-slavery  proclivities.  Their  minister  had  said 
something  unfavorable  to  slavery  and  had  been  treated  to  a 
coat  of  tar  and  feathers,  one  of  the  favorite  arguments  with 
the  pious  defenders  of  the  patriarchal  institution.  Mr.  Miller 
undertook  to  prosecute  the  assailants,  but  his  attorney  was 
poisoned,  and  the  case  was  thrown  out  of  court.  Soon  after 
he  was  set  upon  by  a  lot  of  roughs  and  beaten  almost  to  death. 
Trained  in  such  a  school,  young  Josiah  Miller  grew  up  with- 
out any  great  love  for  the  peculiar  institution  of  his  native 
state.  After  graduating  at  the  state  university  of  Indiana 
and  studying  law,  he  threw  himself  into  the  Kansas  struggle. 
He   was  a    scholarly   man  and  an   able   lawyer.      He  took  a 


26  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

prominent  part  in  the  stirring  events  which  followed.  In  the 
summer  of  1856,  he  was  siezed  by  some  of  Col.  Buford's  men 
and  tried  for  treason  to  his  native  state,  South  Carolina.  His 
life  was  in  peril  for  a  time  but  he  was  released  from  prison 
after  a  few  weeks.  In  1857  he  was  elected  probate  judge  of 
Douglas  county,  when  the  probate  court  covered  a  good  part 
of  the  judicial  business  of  the  county.  He  was  a  member  of 
the  first  state  senate  in  1861,  and  as  chairman  of  the  judiciary 
committee,  suggested  the  motto  on  the  state  seal, 
''  Ad  Astra  per  Aspera." 

The  coming  of  these  men  on  the  same  errand,  from  differ- 
ent parts  of  the  country,  and  without  any  knowledge  of  each 
other,  is  an  illustration  of  the  wide-spread  interest  Kansas 
had  excited.  They  all  came  at  about  the  same  time,  met 
almost  the  same  hindrances,  and  got  out  the  first  issue  of 
their  papers  within  a  week  of  each  other.  The  papers  were 
filled  with  interesting  matter,  and  would  have  done  credit  to 
any  eastern  town.  Of  course  Lawrence  w^as  not  large  enough 
to  support  three  such  papers.  But  the  interest  in  Kansas  all 
over  the  country  gave  them  a  large  eastern  constituency. 
Everybody  was  seeking  information  as  to  Kansas  affairs. 

The  colonists  were  kept  busy  during  the  autumn  preparing 
for  winter.  The  cold  w^eather  came  on  quite  early  and  caught 
them  in  a  very  poor  condition  to  face  it.  A  letter  written  at 
this  time  describes  some  of  their  experience. 

''It  is  quite  cold  for  the  12th  of  November.  Yesterday 
we  were  greeted  by  a  pretty  severe  snow  storm  for  which  we 
were  hardly  prepared,  our  house  being  in  no  better  condi- 
tion to  receive  such  a  guest  than  an  orchard  with  the  bars 
down.  This  morning  I  crawled  from  under  my  buffalo  skin 
after  having  slept  as  soundly  as  anyone  could  suppose,  who 
could  see  the  pile  of  snow  I  had  for  my  bed.  I  kindled  a  fire 
in  a  rough  stone  fire  place,  but  the  smoke  rolled  in  upon  us 
at  such  a   rate  that  we  were   compelled   to   remove  the  fire, 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION,  27 

not  to  the  middle  of  the  floor,  but  to  where  the  middle  of  the 
floor  would  have  been,  if  we  had  a  floor.  By  doing  this  we 
could  get  to  the  windward  of  the  fire  and  thus  avoid  the 
smoke.  If  you  could  only  see  a  true  picture  of  us  now,  as 
we  are  seated  upon  a  trunk  before  the  fire,  with  our  feet 
extended  to  keep  them  warm,  and  a  large  tea  chest  at  our 
back  with  the  lid  raised  to  break  the  wind,  and  a  buffalo  pelt 
drawn  closely  about  us,  and  each  taking  good  care  to  get  his 
share,  you  might  be  quite  as  good-natured  in  enjoying  the 
picture  as  we  are  in  enjoying  the  reality." 

After  this  severe  storm  passed  over,  the  weather  became 
mild  again,  so  mild  at  Christmas  that  people  sat  with  the 
doors  and  windows  open.  This  fine  weather  continued  till 
late  in  January,  when  there  was  another  cold  spell.  But  on 
the  whole  it  was  a  delightful  winter,  and  Providence  seemed 
to  have  tempered  the  blast  to  the  shorn  lambs.  They  passed 
the  winter  very  comfortably 


CHAPTER   III. 

Spring. — Election,  March  30TH,  1855. — Excitement  in 
Missouri. — An  Army  of  Voters  Invade  Lawrence. — 
Missouri  Voters  Elect  a  Kansas  Legislature. — Slave- 
ry Triumphant  and  Exultant. — Free-state  Men  De- 
spondent, THEN  Indignant. — What  Shall  We  Do? — Dr. 
Robinson's  Policy. — ''Bogus  Legislature"  Repudiated. 

In  the  spring  of  1855  there  occurred  an  event  which  largely 
gave  shape  to  the  history  of  the  next  two  years.  This  was 
the  election  of  the  first  territorial  legislature.  As  the  Organic 
Act  allowed  the  people  to  determine  their  own  domestic 
institutions,  the  first  legislature  might  establish  or  exclude 
slavery  by  law,  and  so  might  settle  the  whole  question. 
Governor  Andrew  H.  Reeder  ordered  the  election  to  be  held 
on  the  thirtieth  day  of  March.  As  a  preliminary  to  this 
election  he  ordered  a  census  taken  in  February  of  the  people 
of  the  territory.  According  to  this  census,  Kansas  then  had 
a  population  of  8,601,  of  whom  2,905  were  voters.  This 
number  was  probably  increased  before  March  30th,  as  immi- 
gration began  very  early,  and  quite  a  number  of  actual  settlers 
came  into  the  country  before  the  election.  But  there  were 
not  enough  to  make  any  material  change.  The  district  in 
which  Lawrence  was  situated  had  369  voters,  according  to 
the  census. 

Both  sides  understood  the  importance  of  this  election,  and 
put  forth  their  strongest  efforts  to  carry  it.  Whoever  secured 
the  first  legislature  would  make  the  first  laws.  A  pro-slavery 
legislature  could  establish  slavery  and  pass  laws  protecting 
slave  property.  Then  the  people  of  the  south  could  come 
with  their  slaves,  and  slavery  would  actually  exist  in  Kansas. 
If  once  a  considerable  number  of  slaves  were  settled  in  Kan- 
sas, it  would  be  very  difficult  to  dislodge  them.      On  the  other 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  29 

hand  if  the  free-state  men  secured  the  legislature,  they  would 
establish  freedom  by  law.  Pro-slavery  men  could  come  to 
Kansas  still,  but  they  would  not  dare  bring  their  slaves. 
This  would  practically  settle  the  question  for  freedom.  The 
canvas,  therefore,  was  a  lively  one,  and  all  felt  that  the  con- 
test was  vital.  The  pro-slavery  people,  however,  carried  on 
their  canvas  in  Missouri.  They  were  not  disposed  to  trust 
to  the  doctrines  of  popular  sovereignty,  of  which  they  had 
boasted.  They  proposed  to  go  over  and  help  settle  the 
question.  For  weeks  before  the  election,  the  border  counties 
of  Missouri  were  all  astir.  Meetings  were  held  and  flaming 
speeches  made,  and  the  excitement  knew  no  bounds.  There 
were  secret  societies,  called  Blue  Lodges,  in  which  the  main 
purpose  was  to  control  Kansas  for  slavery.  The  members 
were  bound  together  by  pledges,  and  armed  for  the  battle. 
The  plan  advocated  in  all  these  meetings  was  to  have  the 
members  of  these  lodges  march  into  Kansas  on  the  day  of 
election,  take  possession  of  the  polls,  and  vote,  and  so  get 
control  of  the  legislature.  They  proposed  to  go  in  sufficient 
numbers  to  secure  their  end  beyond  all  doubt,  and  they  pro- 
posed to  go  thoroughly  armed  so  as  to  overcome  all  resist- 
ance. They  would  depend  on  numbers  and  bluster  and 
threats  to  carry  the  scheme  through.  The  ''plan  of  the 
campaign  "  was  perfectly  laid.  It  was  arranged  that  bands 
of  Missourians  should  enter  every  election  district  in  Kansas, 
and  enter  in  sufficient  number  to  out-vote  the  settlers.  Some 
of  the  speeches  by  which  they  "fired  the  southern  heart," 
sound  strange  in  these  quieter  days.  General  Stringfellow, 
in  a  speech  at  St.  Joseph,  said: 

"I  tell  you  to  mark  every  scoundrel  among  you  that  is  the 
least  tainted  with  free-soilism  or  abolitionism,  and  exterminate 
him.  I  advise  you,  one  and  all,  to  enter  every  election  dis- 
trict in  Kansas,  in  defiance  of  Reeder  and  his  vile  myrmidons, 
and  vote  at  the  point  of  the  bowie  knife  and  revolver.  Never 
give  or  take  quarter  from  the  rascals." 


30  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

Every  man  was  urged  to  go  who  could,  and  those  who 
could  not  go  themselves  must  contribute  money  to  pay  the 
expenses  of  those  who  did  go. 

When  the  day  of  the  election  arrived  they  marched  into 
Kansas  like  an  invading  army.  They  came  in  large  com- 
panies or  in  small  squads,  according  to  the  size  of  the  district 
they  proposed  to  enter.  It  was  not  a  movement  of  what 
would  be  called  ''the  roughs,"  though  they  were  rough 
enough.  It  had  the  sanction  of  the  leading  men  of  western 
Missouri.  The  leading  spirit  of  the  movement  was  David  R. 
Atchison,  who  had  served  two  terms  in  the  United  States 
Senate,  and  was  one  time  acting  vice-president  of  the  United 
States.  The  company  that  came  to  Lawrence  was  led  by 
Colonel  Samuel  Young,  a  leading  lawyer  of  Boone  county,  and 
Claiborne  F.  Jackson.  Colonel  Young  afterwards  removed  to 
Lawrence,  and  was  very  much  respected — an  able  Lawyer  and 
a  cultured  gentleman.  Claiborne  F.  Jackson  was  governor  of 
Missouri  at  the  opening  of  the  civil  war.  It  w^as  not  a  burst  of 
ignorant  passion,  but  the  deliberate  purpose  of  the  leading 
men  of  Missouri  and  of  the  South.  Kansas  must  be  secured 
for  slavery  by  fair  means  or  foul.  When  mer's  deepest  pas- 
sions are  stirred,  it  often  happens  that  the  cultivated  and 
refined  become  as  rough  and  brutal  as  the  coarse  and  vulgar. 
They  came  to  Lawrence  one  thousand  strong,  March  29th,  the 
day  before  the  election,  and  camped  in  the  ravine  near  the 
town.  The  report  of  the  congressional  committee,  which 
investigated  the  affair,  gives  a  very  vivid  description  of  the 
scene  at  Lawrence: 

"The  evening  before,  and  the  mornmg  of  the  day  of  the 
election,  about  one  thousand  men  arrived  at  LawTence,  and 
camped  in  a  ravine  a  short  distance  from  the  town,  and  near 
the  place  of  voting.  They  came  in  wagons  (of  which  there 
were  over  one  hundred)  or  on  horseback,  under  the  command 
of   Colonel    Samuel  Young,    of   Boone  county,    Missouri,   and 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  3 1 

Claiborne  F.  Jackson,  of  Missouri.  They  were  arnied  with 
guns,  rifles,  pistols  and  bowie  knives;  and  had  tents,  music 
and  flags  with  them.  They  brought  with  them  two  pieces  of 
artillery,  loaded  with  musket  balls. 

''The  evening  before  the  election  the  Missourians  were 
called  together  at  the  tent  of  Captain  Claiborne  F.  Jackson, 
and  speeches  were  made  to  them  by  Colonel  Young  and  others, 
calling  on  volunteers  to  go  to  other  districts  where  there 
were  not  Missourians  enough  to  control  the  election,  as  there 
were  more  at  Lawrence  than  were  needed'.  On  the  morning 
of  the  election  the  Missourians  came  over  to  the  place  of  vot- 
ing from  their  camp,  in  companies,  or  bodies,  of  one  hundred 
at  a  time.  Mr.  Blanton,  one  of  the  judges,  not  appearing, 
Colonel  Young  claimed  that  as  the  people  of  the  territory  had 
two  judges,  it  was  nothing  more  than  right  that  the  Missour- 
ians should  have  the  other  one  to  look  after  their  interests. 
Robert  A.  Cummins  was  elected  in  Blanton's  stead  because 
he  considered  that  every  man  had  a  right  to  vote  if  he  had 
not  been  in  the  territory  but  an  hour.  The  Missourians 
brought  their  tickets  with  them.  Not  having  enough  they 
had  three  hundred  more  printed  in  Lawrence  the  evening 
before  and  on  the  day  of  election.  They  had  white  ribbons 
in  their  buttonholes  to  distinguish  them  from  the  settlers. 

"When  the  voting  commenced,  the  question  of  the  legality 
of  the  vote  of  a  Mr.  Page  was  raised.  Before  it  was  decided, 
Colonel  Samuel  Young  stepped  to  the  window  where  the 
votes  were  received,  and  said  he  would  settle  the  matter. 
The  vote  of  Mr.  Page  was  withdrawn,  and  Colonel  Young 
offered  to  vote.  He  refused  to  take  the  oath  prescribed  by 
the  governor,  but  said  he  was  a  resident  of  the  territory.  He 
told  Mr.  Abbott,  one  of  the  judges,  when  asked  if  he  intended 
to  make  Kansas  his  future  home,  that  it  was  none  of  his  busi- 
ness; if  he  were  a  resident  then  he  should  ask  no  more. 
After  his  vote  was   received.    Colonel    Young    got    upon  the 


32  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

window  sill  and  announced  to  the  crowd  that  he  had  been 
permitted  to  vote,  and  they  could  all  come  up  and  vote.  He 
told  the  judges  that  there  was  no  use  swearing  the  others,  as 
they  would  all  swear  as  he  had.  After  the  other  judges  had 
concluded  to  receive  Colonel  Young's  vote,  Mr.  Abbott 
resigned  as  judge  of  election,  and  Mr.  Benjamin  was  elected 
in  his  place. 

''The  polls  were  so  much  crowded  till  late  in  the  evening 
that  for  a  time  they  were  obliged  to  get  out  by  being  hoisted 
up  on  the  roof  of  the  building,  where  the  election  was  being 
held,  and  passing  out  over  the  house.  Afterwards  a  passage- 
way was  made  through  the  crowd  by  two  lines  of  men  being 
formed,  through  which  voters  could  get  to  the  polls.  Colonel 
Young  asked  that  the  old  men  be  allowed  to  go  up  first  and 
vote,  as  they  were  tired  with  the  traveling,  and  wanted  to  get 
back  to  camp.  During  the  day  the  Missourians  drove  off 
the  ground  some  of  the  citizens,  Mr.  Stearns,  Mr.  Bond  and 
Mr.  Willis.  They  threatened  to  shoot  Mr.  Bond,  and  made 
a  rush  after  him,  threatening  him.  As  he  ran  from  them, 
shots  were  fired  at  him  as  he  jumped  off  the  bank  of  the  river 
and  escaped." 

The  Missourians  mostly  started  for  home  as  soon  as  they 
had  voted.  A  few  remained  till  the  next  day.  According  to 
the  census  taken  in  February,  the  district  contained  369  legal 
voters.  The  whole  number  of  votes  cast  was  1,034.  ^  care- 
ful examination  of  the  poll  lists  showed  that  232  of  these  were 
legal  votes,  while  802  votes  were  cast  by  non-residents. 
What  was  done  in  Lawrence  was  done  everywhere,  and  while 
the  census  showed  only  2,905  legal  voters  in  the  territory, 
there  were  6,307  votes  cast.  It  was  a  clean  sweep,  Missour- 
ians electing  the  entire  legislature  with  one  exception.  There 
was  no  denial  of  the  invasion,  but  the  pro-slavery  press 
boasted  of  it  as  a  great  victory.  Abolition  had  been  rebuked 
in  its  stronghold. 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  33'. 

An  appeal  was  made  to  Governor  Reeder  to  set  the  election 
aside.  He  at  first  promised  to  do  so,  but  his  courage  did  not 
hold  out.  The  pro-slavery  people  threatened  his  life  if  he  ven- 
tured to  go  behind  the  returns.  He  was  already  beginning  to 
feel  that  the  administration  at  Washington  was  being  alien- 
ated from  him.  He  could  not  depend  on  their  support.  He 
contented  himself,  therefore,  with  ordering  new  elections  for 
the  districts  that  had  entered  protests.  This  could  not  ac- 
complish anything  as  it  still  left  the  legislature  in  the  hands 
of  the  men  elected  by  imported  votes.  It  did  not  lessen  the 
hate  of  the  pro-slavery  people,  and  it  did  not  take  the  power 
out  of  their  hands.  As  is  common  with  half  measures,  it 
pleased  nobody  and  accomplished  nothing. 

The  settlers  hardly  knew  where  to  turn  next  when  Gov- 
ernor Reeder  failed  them.  It  seemed  for  a  time  as  if  the 
case  was  closed.  A  pro-slavery  legislature  would  enact  pro- 
slavery  laws,  and  they  must  live  under  them  for  at  least  two 
years.  By  that  time  slavery  might  be  fastened  on  the  ter- 
ritory beyond  reversal.  The  southern  papers  boasted  that 
now  the  abolitionists  must  either  leave  Kansas  or  consent  to 
live  in  a  slave  state.  The  news  of  the  outrage  spread  over 
the  country  on  the  wings  of  the  lightning,  and  stirred  the 
wildest  excitement  and  indignation  throughout  the  entire 
North.  It  was  something  that  had  no  parallel  in  the  history 
of  the  country.  A  body  of  invaders  from  another  state  had 
stolen  a  legislature,  and  there  seemed  to  be  no  appeal. 

But  after  the  first  shock  was  over  the  people  began  to  in- 
quire what  they  could  do  next.  They  had  come  to  make 
Kansas  free,  and  they  were  not  the  sort  of  people  to  be 
turned  from  their  purpose  by  a  single  rebuff.  What  could 
they  do  to  forestall  the  consummation  of  this  great  crime? 
They  could  not  think  of  submitting  to  it,  and  allowing  it  to 
gain  its  end.  .  Gradually  the  conviction  grew  that  the  legis- 
lature and  its  laws  must  be  repudiated.      The  legislature  had 


34  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

been  elected  by  fraud,  and  could  only  be  a  fraudulent  affair. 
It  had  been  elected  by  citizens  of  Missouri  in  violation  of  all 
law,  and  by  an  outrage  unparalleled.  To  submit  to  it  would 
be  to  allow  the  crime  to  secure  the  fruit  it  sought.  The 
whole  country  would  justify  them  in  taking  such  a  position. 
Dr.  Charles  Robinson  first  suggested  the  policy  of  repudia- 
tion as  soon  as  it  was  known  that  Governor  Reeder  would  give 
them  no  effective  relief.  The  suggestion  seemed  wild  at 
first,  but  the  more  people  thought  about  it  the  more  it  came 
into  favor.  Martin  F.  Conway  had  been  elected  to  the  legis- 
lature. In  a  letter  to  Governor  Reeder  he  resigned  his  seat, 
and  in  doing  this  gave  public  expression  to  this  policy  of 
repudiation. 

'' Instead  of  recognizing  this  as  the  legislature  of  Kansas, 
and  participating  in  its  proceedings  as  such,  I  utterly  repudi- 
ate it  as  derogatory  to  the  respectability  of  popular  govern- 
ment and  insulting  to  the  virtue  and  intelligence  of  the  age. 
*  *  *  Simply  as  a  citizen  and  a  man,  I  shall,  therefore,  yield 
no  submission  to  this  alien  legislature.  On  the  contrary,  I 
am  ready  to  set  its  assumed  authority  at  defiance,  and  shall 
be  prompt  to  spurn  and  trample  under  my  feet  its  insolent 
enactments,  whenever  they  conflict  with  my  rights  or  my 
inclinations." 

This  all  happened  before  the  legislature  had  met,  it  being 
deeaiied  important  to  repudiate  the  legislature  itself  as  an 
imposition  and  a  fraud,  without  regard  to  the  laws  it  might 
enact.  It  was  a  fraud  in  itself.  June  8th  a  convention  was 
held  in  Lawrence  to  consider  what  they  had  begun  to  call 
the  ''bogus  legislature."  This  convention  provided  for  a 
larger  convention  to  be  held  on  the  25th  of  June.  This  sec- 
ond convention  was  large  and  represented  nearly  every  set- 
tlement in  the  territory.  Its  sessions  were  protracted  and  its 
discussions  very  earnest.  Its  decisions  shaped  the  policy  of 
the  free-state  men  for  two  years.  The  following  are  some  of 
its  resolutions: 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  35 

' '  Resolved,  That  we  are  in  favor  of  making  Kansas  a  free  territory, 
and  as  a  conSequence  a. free  state. 

''Resolved,  That  we  urge  the  people  of  Kansas  to  throw  aside  all  minor 
differences,  and  make  the  freedom  of  Kansas  the  only  issue. 

''Resolved,  That  we  claim  no  right  to  meddle  with  the  affairs  of  the 
people  of  Missouri,  or  any  other  state,  and  we  do  claim  the  right  to  regulate 
our  own  domestic  affairs,  and,  with  the  help  of  God,  we  will  do  it. 

' '  Resolved,  That  we  look  upon  the  conduct  of  a  portion  of  the  people  of 
Missouri  in  the  late  Kansas  election  as  an  outrage  on  the  elective  franchise 
and  our  rights  as  freemen,  and  in  as  much  as  many  of  the  members  of  the 
legislature  owe  their  election  to  a  combined  system  of  force  and  fraud,  we 
do  not  feel  bound  to  obey  any  law  of  their  enacting." 

Dr.  L.  W.  Spring  in  his  history  of  Kansas  says  that 
''between  the  8th  of  June  and  the  15th  of  August,  1855,  seven 
conventions  were  held  in  the  city  of  Lawrence,  all  but  one 
in  the  interest  of  the  policy  of  repudiation."  It  was  essential 
that  the  policy  should  be  well  understood,  and  that  free-state 
people  should  be  a  unit  in  the  matter.  It  was  a  daring  posi- 
tion to  assume  and  a  very  difficult  one  to  maintain,  hence 
these  frequent  conventions  for  consultation.  Thus  the  whole 
people  came  to  understand  the  policy,  and  the  whole  people 
became  united  in  upholding  it. 

For  popular  impression,  perhaps,  the  celebration  of  the 
Fourth  of  July  was  more  effective  than  these  conventions. 
It  was  determined  to  celebrate  it  in  fitting  style  in  Lawrence. 
Great  preparations  were  made  and  a  large  crowd  assembled. 
Some  people  walked  sixteen  miles  to  attend.,  Two  military 
companies  had  been  organized  and  had  been  armed  with 
Sharpe's  rifles,  and  were  out  in  uniform.  The  ladies  pre- 
sented them  with  a  beautiful  silk  flag,  amid  great  enthusiasm. 
Dr.  Charles  Robinson  made  the  oration  and  used  the  occasion 
very  adroitly  to  foster  and  defend  the  policy  of  repudiation, 
which  he  had  been  the  first  to  suggest.  He  pictured  the 
Missouri  invasion  and  the  capture  of  the  legislature  by  non- 
resident   voters    in   vivid   terms,    and   denounced  the  outrage 


36  '  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

as  something  not  to  be  endured.  He  declared  that  the  peo- 
ple of  Kansas  would  never  submit  to  these  invaders  from  a 
neighboring  state. 

''I  can  say  to  Death,  be  thou  my  master,  and  to  the  Grave, 
be  thou  my  prison  house;  but  acknowledge  such  creatures  as 
my  masters,  never!  Thank  God,  we  are  yet  free,  and  hurl 
defiance  at  those  who  would  make  us  slaves. 

"  'Look  who  will  in  apathy,  and  stifle  they  who  can, 

The  sympathy,  the  hopes,  the  words,  that  make  man  truly  man, 
Let  those  whose  hearts  are  dungeoned  up  with  interest  or  with  ease. 
Consent  to  hear,  with  quiet  pulse,  of  loathsome  deeds  like  these. 

"  '  We  first  drew  in  New  England's  air,  and  from  her  hardy  breast 
Sucked  in  the  tyrant-hating  milk  that  will  not  let  us  rest. 
And  if  our  words  seem  treason  to  the  dullard  or  the  tame, 
'  Tis  but  our  native  dialect;  our  fathers  spake  the  same.' 

'^Let  every  man  stand  in  his  place,  and  acquit  himself  like 
a  man  who  knows  his  rights,  and  knowing,  dares  maintain. 
Let  us  repudiate  all  laws  enacted  by  foreign  legislative  bodies, 
or  dictated  by  Judge  Lynch  over  the  way.  Tyrants  are 
tyrants,  and  tyranny  is  tyranny,  whether  under  the  garb  of  law 
or  in  opposition  to  it.  So  thought  and  acted  our  ancestors, 
and  so  let  us  think  and  act.  We  are  not  alone  in  this  contest. 
The  whole  nation  is  agitated  upon  the  question  of  our  rights. 
Every  pulsation  in  Kansas  pulsates  to  the  remotest  artery  of 
the  body  politic,  and  I  seem  to  hear  the  millions  of  freemen, 
and  the  millions  of  bondsmen  in  our  own  land,  the  patriots 
and  philanthropists  of  all  countries,  the  spirits  of  the  revolu- 
tionary heroes,  and  the  voice  of  God,  all  saying  to  the  peo- 
ple of  Kansas,   'Do  your  duty.'  " 

The  speech  and  the  occasion  produced  a  profound  impres- 
sion not  in  Lawrence  alone,  but  in  all  the  territory.  More 
than  any  one  thing,  perhaps,  it  helped  to  unify  the  people  on 
the  bold  policy  they  had  adopted,  and  w^hich  they  maintained 
with  unbroken  front  to  the  end  of  the  conflict. 

While  all  this  was  being  done  to  bring  people  into  harmony 
of  thought   in  regard  to  the  policy  of  repudiating  what  they 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  37 

called  the  ''bogus  legislature,"  the  free-state  leaders  were 
preparing  for  the  emergency  in  another  way.  They  knew 
the  pro-slavery  leaders  were  desperate  men,  and  bound  to 
carry  their  point  by  any  means,  fair  or  foul.  To  repudiate 
their  legislature,  and  their  laws,  would  involve  collisions,  and 
possibly  bloodshed  and  civil  war.  These  men  would  not  be 
thwarted  now  without  a  severe  struggle.  The  free-state 
men  must  be  prepared  to  meet  force  with  force.  As  soon  as 
the  result  of  the  March  election  was  finally  determined,  the 
free-state  leaders  sent  to  their  friends  in  the  east  for  arms. 
George  W.  Deitzler  w^as  sent  to  Boston  to  lay  the  matter 
before  the  friends  of  free  Kansas.  Only  two  persons  knew 
of  the  object  of  his  mission.  New  arms  were  needed  for  self- 
defense.  Amos  A.  Lawrence  and  others,  before  whom  Mr. 
Deitzler  presented  the  case,  at  once  saw  the  seriousness  of 
the  situation.  Within  an  hour  after  his  arrival  in  Boston,  he 
had  an  order  for  one  hundred  Sharpe's  rifles,  and  in  forty- 
eight  hours  the  rifles  were  on  their  way  to  Lawrence.  They 
were  shipped  in  boxes  marked  "books."  As  the  border  ruf- 
fians had  no  use  for  books,  they  came  through  without  being 
disturbed.  A  military  company  known  for  many  years  after- 
wards as  the  ''Stubbs"  was  organized,  and  was  armed  with 
these  rifles.  Other  boxes  of  "books"  rapidly  followed  these, 
and  other  companies  in  Lawrence  and  in  the  country  were 
armed  with  them.  The  fame  of  these  guns  went  far  and 
wide,  and  produced  a  very  salutatory  effect.  They  who  rec- 
ognized only  brute  force  came  to  have  a  great  respect  for  the 
Sharpe's  rifles.  A  howitzer  was  procured  in  New  York  through 
the  aid  of  Horace  Greeley,  and  shipped  to  Lawrence.  This 
howitzer  played  quite  a  part  in  the  after  struggle,  and  had  a 
history  of  its  own  that  some  one  familiar  with  it  ought  to 
write  up. 

Meanwhile  the  "bogus  legislature,"  about  which  all  this  stir 
was  being  made,  assembled  and  begun  their  work.      They  met 


38  .    A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

at  Pawnee  July  2nd,  but  adjourned  to  Shawnee  Mission, 
where  they  re-assembled  July  12th.  They  excluded  all  those 
elected  at  Reeder's  special  election,  and  admitted  all  those 
chosen  March  30th.  There  was  only  one  free-state  member 
left  in  the  whole  lot,  and  he  soon  became  disgusted  and  left. 
They  had  things  entirely  their  own  way,  and  as  they  had  been 
elected  by  Missouri  votes,  they  proposed  to  "make  Kansas 
in  all  respects  like  Missouri,"  as  one  of  their  number  phrased 
it.  To  save  time  and  toil,  they  adopted  the  Missouri  code  of 
laws,  simply  directing  the  clerk  to  make  the  necessary  verbal 
changes  to  adapt  it  to  Kansas.  In  the  matter  of  slavery, 
however,  they  favored  Kansas  with  special  legislation.  As 
slavery  in  Kansas  was  in  peculiar  danger,  it  must  be  protected 
by  laws  peculiarly  searching  and  strong.  In  this  matter  they 
acted  like  men  whose  reason  had  left  them.  They  enacted  a 
slave  code  so  absurdly  severe  that  it  would  have  been  broken 
down  of  its  own  weight: 

"Section  i.  If  any  person  shall  entice,  or  decoy,  or  carry  out  of  this 
territory,  any  slave  belonging  to  another,  *  *  *  he  shall  be  adjudged  guilty 
of  grand  larceny,  and  on  conviction  thereof  shall  suffer  death. 

"Sec  2.  If  any  person  shall  aid  or  assist  in  enticing,  carrying  away,  or 
sending  out  of  the  territory,  any  slave  belonging  to  another,  *  *  ■'^  he  shall 
be  adjudged  guilty  of  grand  larceny,  and  on  conviction  thereof  suffer  death. 

"Sec  3.  If  any  person  shall  entice,  decoy,  or  carry  away  out  of  any 
state  or  other  territory  of  the  United  States,  any  slave  belonging  to  another, 
*  *  *  and  shall  bring  such  slave  into  this  territory  with  the  intent  to  pro- 
cure the  freedom  of  such  slave,  the  person  thus  offending  shall  suffer  death. 

"Sec  II.  If  any  person  shall  print,  write,  publish,  or  circulate  *  *  * 
within  the  territory  any  book,  magazine,  hand-bill  or  circular  containing 
any  statements,  arguments,  opinions,  sentiments,  doctrine,  advice  or  inu- 
endo  calculated  to  promote  a  disorderly,  dangerous  or  rebellious  disaffection 
among  the  slaves  in  this  territory,  or  to  induce  such  slaves  to  escape  from 
their  masters,  or  to  resist  their  authority,  he  shall  be  guilty  of  a  felony,  and 
be  punished  by  imprisonment  and  hard  labor  for  a  term  of  not  less  than 
five  years. 

"Sec  12.  If  any  free  person,  by  speaking  or  by  writing,  assert  or  main- 
tain that  persons  have  not  the  right  to  hold  slaves  in  this  territory,  or  shall 


,TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  39 

introduce  into  this  territory,  print,  publish,  write  or  circulate,  or  shall  cause 
to  be  introduced  in  this  territory,  any  book,  paper,  magazine,  pamphlet  or 
circular  containing  any  denial  of  the  right  of  persons  to  hold  slaves  in  this 
territory,  such  person  shall  be  deemed  guilty  of  felony,  and  punished  by  im- 
prisonment at  hard  labor  for  a  term  of  not  less  than  two  years." 

If  anything  were  needed  to  confirm  the  free-state  men  in 
their  attitude  towards  the  ''bogus  legislature,"  the  conduct 
of  the  legislature  itself  furnished  it.  The  outrageous  invasion 
of  March  might  have  been  forgotten  if  the  legislature  itself 
had  been  moderate  and  fair.  But  first  of  all  they  broke  with 
Governor  Reeder  because  he  would  not  acceed  to  all  of  their 
demands.  Then  they  purged  themselves  of  free-state  mem- 
bers wherever  any  pretext  could  be  found  for  doing  so.  Then 
they  enacted  a  slave  code  more  severe  than  was  found  in  the 
slave  states  themselves.  By  the  twelfth  section  of  that  bill  it 
was  made  a  penitentiary  offense  to  express  an  opinion  adverse 
to  slavery.  Self-respecting  free-state  men  must  either  leave 
the  territory  or  repudiate  such  laws.  As  the  legislature  itself 
was  elected  by  non-resident  votes,  they  pronounced  the  whole 
concern  a  fraud,  and  repudiated  the  legislature  and  its  laws. 
As  the  work  of  the  legislature  went  on,  the  idea  of  repudia- 
tion was  being  matured.  The  numerous  conventions  in  Law- 
rence grew  more  and  more  distinct  in  their  tone  as  the  spirit 
and  work  of  the  legislature  became  more  and  more  manifest. 

It  has  sometimes  been  asked  what  good  was  accomplished 
by  this  policy  of  repudiation?  In  reply  it  may  be  said,  it 
practically  nullified  the  laws  passed  by  the  usurping  legisla- 
ture. While  these  laws  were  not  repealed,  and  were  technic- 
ally the  laws  of  the  territory,  they  were  without  effect.  They 
were  not  respected  by  the  people,  and  were  only  executed  by 
force.  This  was  particularly  true  of  the  laws  regarding 
slavery.  Whatever  the  courts  might  have  decided  as  to  the 
right  to  hold  slaves  in  Kansas,  no  slave  holders  dared  bring 
their  slaves  into  the  territory,  while  the  laws  protecting 
slavery  were  repudiated   by  two-thirds   of  the  people.     The 


40 


A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 


result  was  that  no  slaves  were  brought  into  Kansas  during 
the  two  years  of  excitement  that  followed.  Riches  take 
themselves  wings  and  fly  away,  but  this  form  of  riches  would 
be  very  apt  to  take  themselves  feet  and  run  away.  If  the 
free-state  men  had  acquiesced  in  this  fraudulent  legislature, 
and  had  submitted  to  its  laws,  those  laws  would  have  gone 
into  full  operation,  and  two  years  would  have  brought  in  a 
sufficient  slave  population  to  settle  the  question  at  issue. 
The  policy  of  repudiation  no  doubt  saved  Kansas  to  freedom. 

Along  with  the  policy  of  repudiation  another  movement 
was  set  on  foot  as  a  sort  of  ''companion  piece."  That  was 
the  movement  for  a  state  government.  Whenever  the  policy 
of  repudiation  was  mentioned,  the  first  question  was  ''what 
are  you  going  to  do  next?"  The  answer  was:  "Form  a 
state  government  and  apply  to  congress  for  admission  to  the 
union."  Other  states  had  been  received  without  an  enabling 
act,  and  they  proposed  to  plead  these  precedents.  The 
matter  was  broached  very  early,  and  was  probably  in  mind 
when  the  policy  of  repudiation  was  first  suggested.  It  was 
at  first  distantly  hinted  at  in  the  various  conventions,  and 
then  boldly  advocated.  At  the  convention  held  at  Lawrence, 
August  15,  the  subject  was  discussed,  and  was  evidently 
the  thought  of  most  of  the  free-state  men.  A  delegate  con- 
vention was  called  to  meet  at  Topeka,  September  19th,  to 
take  steps  toward  forming  a  state  government.  This  conven- 
tion provided  that  members  of  a  constitutional  convention 
should  be  elected  October  9th.  There  were  over  twenty- 
seven  hundred  votes  cast  at  this  election,  and  the  convention 
thus  chosen  assembled  at  Topeka,  October  23rd,  and  framed 
what  was  known  as  the  Topeka  Constitution.  This  constitu- 
tion was  the  rallying  point  of  the  free-state  men  for  two 
years. 

No  serious  attempt  was  ever  made  to  put  this  constitution 
in  operation.      It  was   sent  to  congress   and   adopted  in  the 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION,  4 1 

House  but  smothered  in  the  Senate.  The  people  of  Kansas 
did  not,  however,  abandon  it.  Though  never  in  operation  it 
was  a  vital  part  of  their  policy.  It  was  the  positive  side  of 
the  policy  which  repudiated  the  bogus  laws.  Though  the 
officers  never  took  their  seats,  the  whole  movement  served  as 
a  bond  of  union  to  the  free-state  men.  As  Hon.  T.  Dwight 
Thacher  said  at  the  quarter-centennial  celebration  at  Topeka 
in  1866:  ''The  Topeka  Constitutional  movement  held  the 
people  together  through  a  stormy  period."  "Without  it  the 
free-state  forces  must  have  drifted,  been  demoralized,  and 
probably  beaten." 

The  Shawnee  legislature  and  the  Topeka  Constitution  may 
not  seem  to  belong  to  a  sketch  of  the  town  of  Lawrence,  but 
they  were  so  closely  interwoven  with  all  the  after  history  that 
a  great  deal  that  happened  in  Lawrence  during  the  next  two 
years  would  not  be  intelligible  without  some  knowledge  of 
these  more  general  events.  Lawrence  was  the  headquarters 
of  the  free-state  party,  and  the  center  of  the  free  movement. 
A  good  proportion  of  its  early  history  could  not  be  understood 
apart  from  that  movement.  The  most  exciting  events  in  the 
history  of  the  town  were  directly  connected  with  the  bogus 
laws,  and  the  free-state  policy  respecting  them. 

Several  other  things  happened  this  same  summer  which  it 
is  necessary  to  know  in  order  to  determine  what  occurred  at 
Lawrence  later  on.  As  soon  as  it  was  found  that  Governor 
Reeder  would  not  go  the  full  length  with  the  ''bogus  legisla- 
ture," the  pro-slavery  leaders  began  to  plan  for  his  removal. 
They  sent  on  complaints  to  Washington  detailing  their  side 
of  the  controversy,  and  sent  on  their  smoothest  talkers  to  use 
their  personal  influence.  The  result  was  that  Reeder  was 
removed  in  less  than  a  month  from  the  meeting  of  the  legisla- 
ture, and  ceased  to  act  as  governor  August  15th.  The  secre- 
tary of  the  territory,  Daniel  Woodson,  became  acting  governor, 
and  signed  all  the  laws  which  the  legislature  had  passed.     He 


42  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

was  in  full  sympathy  with  the  pro-slavery  party,  and  was  as 
eager  as  any  of  them  to  carry  out  their  policy.  Hon.  Wilson 
Shannon,  of  Ohio,  was  appointed  governor,  and  arrived  about 
September  ist.  He  was  an  able  man,  and  had  been  governor 
of  Ohio,  minister  to  Mexico,  and  member  of  congress.  He 
was  a  man  of  character  and  was  fair-minded,  but  he  was  in 
full  sympathy  with  the  administration  at  Washington,  and  put 
himself  in  the  hands  of  the  men  in  Kansas  he  supposed  to  be 
the  friends  of  the  administration.  This  was  unfortunate  in 
two  respects.  In  the  first  place  his  own  views  of  the  situation 
took  a  partisan  coloring,  and  in  the  second  place,  the  free- 
state  men  were  led  to  class  him  with  their  enemies,  and  very 
naturally  were  suspicious  of  him  and  avoided  him.  He  heard 
only  one  side  of  the  story.  He  knew  nothing  of  the  men  on 
the  other  side,  or  of  the  motives  which  governed  them.  He 
entirely  misjudged  their  character,  and  under-rated  their 
caliber.  He  allowed  a  reception  in  his  honor  at  Westport 
before  he  entered  Kansas  at  all,  and  then  had  a  formal  recep- 
tion at  Shawnee  Mission,  in  which  the  pro-slavery  men  and 
pro-slavery  policy  was  painted  in  glowing  colors.  Every 
effort  was  made  to  commit  him  fully  to  the  pro-slavery  cause, 
and  to  prejudice  him  against  the  free-state  people.  These 
last  were  denounced  as  traitors,  who  had  repudiated  the  laws 
of  the  territory  and  who  were  ready  to  resist  them  whenever 
an  opportunity  offered.  The  pro-slavery  men  called  them- 
selves the  *'law  and  order"  party.  They  had  gained  control 
of  the  legislature  by  illegal  means,  and  then  organized  them- 
selves into  a  *'law  and  order"  party  to  enforce  the  enactments 
of  this  fraudulent  legislature.  The  convention  at  which  the 
''law  and  order"  party  was  formed  chose  Gov.  Shannon  for 
its  president.  Thus  he  became  more  and  more  committed  to 
the  one-sided  policy  which  antagonized  more  than  half  the 
people  of  the  territory. 

The  people  were  divided  into  two  very  distinct  parties  with 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION. 


43 


antagonistic  policies.  The  pro-slavery  party  was  determined 
to  enforce  the  laws  passed  by  the  Shawnee  legislature.  The 
free-state  men  repudiated  that  legislature  and  were  determined 
never  to  recognize  its  enactments.  The  pro-slavery  men  had 
the  forms  of  law,  the  officers  of  the  law  and  the  courts  of  law 
on  their  side,  with  the  governor  and  national  administration 
back  of  them.  Their  policy  was  to  force  a  conflict  and  com- 
pel the  free-state  men  either  to  recognize  the  bogus  laws  or 
resist  them  and  suffer  the  penalty.  Andreas,  in  his  history, 
page  115,  says: 

''The  law  and  order  party  were  determined  to  bring  the 
revolutionists  to  swift  punishment  as  soon  as  overt  acts  should 
make  them  subject  to  the  penalties  prescribed  for  the  viola- 
tion of  the  laws.  This  was  no  easy  matter,  as  they  kept,  as 
far  as  possible,  aloof  from  the  legal  machinery  devised  for  the 
government  of  the  territory.  They  brought  no  suits  into  its 
courts;  they  attended  no  elections  called  by  its  authority; 
they  paid  no  attention  to  its  county  organization;  they  offered 
no  estates  to  its  probate  judges;  they  tried  no  causes  and 
made  no  complaints  before  its  justices  of  the  peace;  they  paid 
no  tax  levies  made  by  the  authority  of  the  late  legislature. 
Yet  they  were  careful  to  do  no  act  which  should  lay  them 
liable  to  the  laws  they  contemned.  They  settled  their  dis- 
putes by  arbitration,  or  by  other  means  that  might  avoid  liti- 
gation; they  had  town  organizations  and  police  regulations 
for  the  preservation  of  order;  courts  to  settle  squatters'  claims; 
and  all  other  appliances  necessary  for  the  regulation  of  small 
communities  peaceably  inclined.  They  could  build,  manu- 
facture, buy  and  sell,  establish  schools  and  churches;  but  they 
would  not  be  guilty  of  the  crime  of  making  Kansas  a  slave 
state." 

This  was  emphatically  the  condition  of  things  at  Lawrence. 
The  people  were  fully  determined  to  repudiate  the  bogus 
laws,  and  were  just  as  much  determined  not  to  violate  them. 


44  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

They  would  not  recognize  them,  and  they  would  not  violate 
them.  They  would  simply  let  them  alone,  and  mind  their 
own  business.  They  would  not  incorporate  the  town  under 
these  laws.  A  citizens  committee  maintained  a  free  school 
by  voluntary  contributions  instead  of  taxes.  Another  com- 
mittee looked  after  the  good  order  and  cleanliness  of  the 
place.  They  settled  their  disputes  among  themselves,  and 
submitted  to  any  inconveniences  rather  than  appeal  to  the 
laws  they  repudiated.  At  the  same  time  they  were  all  partic- 
ularly careful  not  to  come  in  conflict  with  the  laws,  and  to  do 
nothing  which  might  be  construed  into  a  violation  of  law. 
Being  all  intelligent  and  well  disposed,  and  being  also  all  of 
one  mind,  they  did  not  have  much  trouble  in  carrying  out 
this  policy.  They  would  have  carried  out  this  policy  to  the 
end  if  the  other  side  had  not  been  determined  to  force  a  con- 
flict. They  were  watching  for  the  slightest  pretext  to  bring 
on  a  collision.  The  free-state  men  knew  this.  They  knew 
that  in  spite  of  all  their  care  a  collision  was  bound  to  come 
sooner  or  later.  While,  therefore,  they  sought  to  avoid  a 
conflict,  they  were  prepared  for  it.  As  has  been  already  said, 
several  hundred  Sharpe's  rifles  were  procured  early  in  the 
summer.  Military  companies  were  organized  in  Lawrence 
and  in  the  country  around  about,  and  full  preparations  made 
for  defense  in  case  a  conflict  was  forced  upon  them.  Em- 
bankments were  thrown  up  at  exposed  points  and  the  town 
put  in  position  to  stand  a  siege. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

The  Conflict  Begun. — The  Dow  Murder. — The  Branson 
Rescue. — Sheriff  Jones  Appeals  to  the  Governor. — 
The  Governor  Calls  Out  the  Militia. — Missouri  Re- 
sponds TO  THE  Call. — The  Wakarusa  War. — The  Army 
AT  Franklin. — Preparations  for  Defense. 

There  was  no  serious  trouble  at  Lawrence  during  the  sum- 
mer. There  were  many  outrages  in  other  parts  of  the  terri- 
tory. Where  the  sentiment  was  divided  there  were  frequent 
collisions.  Where  pro-slavery  sentiment  was  predominant 
free-state  men  were  in  constant  peril.  A  man  named  Kelly 
was  beaten  nearly  to  death  by  a  pro-slavery  bully  in  Atchison. 
Rev.  Pardee  Butler,  a  preacher  of  the  Christian  Church,  de- 
nounced the  outrage  in  the  streets  of  Atchison,  and  was  siezed 
by  a  mob,  his  face  was  painted  black,  and  he  was  bound  upon 
a  raft  and  sent  floating  down  the  Missouri  river.  He  escaped 
after  floating  down  a  few  miles.  Some  time  afterwards  he 
was  siezed  again.  The  mob  were  disposed  to  hang  him,  but 
finally  were  content  to  give  him  a  coat  of  tar  and  feathers, 
and  let  him  go.  As  these  outrages  and  many  more  were  ap- 
proved by  a' large  portion  of  the  "law  and  order"  party,  no 
attempt  was  made  to  punish  the  perpetrators  of  theni, 
although  they  were  well  known  and  made  no  attempt  to  con- 
ceal themselves  or  their  crimes. 

Thus  far  no  difficulty  had  occurred  at  Lawrence  such  as  the 
"law  and  order"  party  were  waiting  for.  They  were  only 
watching  for  an  opportunity  to  bring  on  a  collision  which 
would  compel  the  citizens  either  to  recognize  or  resist  *the 
laws  of  the  bogus  legislature.  If  they  recognized  those  laws 
they  would  be  humiliated;  if  they  resisted  them  the  whole 
force  of  the  territorial  government  would  be  brought  to  bear 
to  subdue  them.      But  so  wisely  did  they  manage  their  repu- 


46  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

diation  that  no  occasion  was  given  for  interference.  They 
simply  ignored  the  laws  and  were  a  law  unto  themselves. 
The  fact  that  the  people  of  Lawrence  were  well  armed  and 
strongly  entrenched,  made  the  ''law  and  order"  people  all 
the  more  careful  to  wait  till  they  had  a  good  case.  They 
were  thus  compelled  to  wait  till  late  in  the  autumn  before  the 
coveted  opportunity  came. 

The  occasion  came  at  last,  as  all  things  come  to  those  who 
wait.  It  was  somewhat  far-fetched,  but  it  served  the  purpose. 
''  It  was  not  as  wide  as  a  church  door,  but  it  served."  It  all 
grew  out  of  a  claim  dispute.  Charles  W.  Dow  and  Franklin 
M.  Coleman  occupied  adjoining  claims  at  Hickory  Point, 
about  ten  miles  south  of  Lawrence.  Dow  was  a  free-state 
man  and  Coleman  was  a  pro-slavery  man.  They  quarreled 
about  their  claims  and  often  had  high  words.  The  sympathy 
of  the  neighbors  ran  according  to  political  affiliations.  One 
day,  November  21st,  Dow  was  at  Coleman's  cabin,  talking 
over  the  inevitable  subject  in  the  inevitable  temper.  As  he 
started  to  go  home,  Coleman  shot  him  dead  in  the  road. 
That  night  Coleman  fled  to  Westport,  Missouri,  and  was  pro- 
tected by  his  pro-slavery  friends.  The  cold-blooded  murder 
naturally  produced  great  indignation  among  the  free-state 
men.  They  held  a  meeting  a  day  or  two  after  to  express 
their  indignation,  and  to  devise  means  to  bring  the  murderer 
to  justice.  The  meeting  was  composed  mainly  of  friends  and 
neighbors  of  Dow,  who  occupied  claims  as  he  did  and  were 
exposed  to  similar  treatment.  Very  naturally  they  expressed 
themselves  strongly,  and  were  not  in  a  mood  to  be  trifled 
with.  Among  these  neighbors  and  friends  was  an  old  man 
named  Jacob  Branson.  Dow  lived  in  the  same  cabin  with 
him,  and  Branson  thought  a  great  deal  of  Dow.  Branson 
was  a  quiet,  peaceable  man,  who  never  made  anybody  any 
trouble.  But  the  brutal  murder  of  his  friend  stirred  the  quiet 
depths  of  his  nature,  and  he   expressed   his   indignation  with- 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  47 

out  stint.  He  said  "if  I  could  draw  a  bead  on  Coleman 
with  his  rifle,  he  would  not  breathe  the  pure  air  of  this  planet 
another  minute." 

One  of  the  friends  of  the  murderer  Coleman,  named  Buck- 
ley, professed  to  be  greatly  alarmed  at  the  violent  tone  of  the 
meeting,  and  especially  at  the  violent  expressions  of  Jacob 
Branson.  He  claimed  that  his  life  was  in  danger,  and  he 
swore  out  a  warrant  for  Branson's  arrest.  The  warrant  was 
put  in  the  hands  of  Samuel  J.  Jones,  who  had  been  appointed 
by  the  Shawnee  legislature  as  Sheriff  of  Douglas  county. 

Jones  was  one  of  the  characters  of  those  times.  He  was 
postmaster  of  Westport,  Missouri,  and  did  not  live  in  Kansas. 
He  had  identified  himself  with  her  interests,  however,  by 
leading  a  company  from  Missouri  to  vote  on  the  memorable 
thirtieth  of  March.  He  went  to  Bloomington,  and  led  his 
company  in,  taking  possession  of  the  ballot  box  of  that  pre- 
cinct. He  was  a  mixture  of  courage  and  cowardice,  of  bold 
bravado  and  obsequiousness.  No  appointment  could  have 
been  more  offensive  and  insulting  to  the  people  of  Douglas 
county.  He  was  appointed  on  purpose  to  insult  and  humili- 
ate them,  and  to  provoke  them  to  some  sort  of  resistance  that 
might  warrant  an  attack  upon  them.  The  people  of  Douglas 
county  had  got  even  with  their  persecutors  thus  far  by  so 
keeping  the  peace  or  arranging  their  disputes  among  them- 
selves, that  they  had  never  called  for  the  services  of  the 
obnoxious  sheriff.  His  office  seemed  in  danger  of  being  lost 
in  *' innocuous  dissuetude."  To  this  man  the  murderer  had 
fled,  and  had  been  taken  into  custody  by  him,  not  for  punish- 
ment but  for  protection  from  the  people  he  had  outraged. 

At  last  the  day  came  when  he  could  be  avenged  on  the 
people  of  Douglas  county  who  so  thoroughly  despised  him. 
The  warrant  for  the  arrest  of  Branson  was  put  in  his  hands  to 
serve.  On  the  night  of  November  26tk  he  took  some  fifteen 
men    and   went   to   Branson's  house    to   arrest   him.      It  was 


4-0  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

about  eleven  o'clock  when  they  arrived  at  the  cabin.  They 
knocked  at  the  door,  but  before  any  reply  could  be  made, 
they  burst  the  door  open  and  rushed  in.  They  dragged 
Branson  out  of  his  bed,  and  made  him  dress  himself  in  a 
hurry.  Mrs.  Branson  demanded  their  authority  but  they  told 
her  they  would  attend  to  that.  They  took  Branson  out, 
placed  him  on  a  mule,  and  started  for  Lecompton  by  the  way 
of  Lawrence.  Mrs.  Branson  felt  sure  they  \vould  kill  her 
husband  as  soon  as  they  had  him  fully  in  their  powder. 

The  free-state  men  in  the  neighborhood  were  advised  of  the 
writ  for  Branson's  arrest.  They  had  grounds  to  fear  that  he 
would  be  disposed  of  as  soon  as  Jones  and  his  posse  got  him 
in  their  hands.  When  they  heard  of  the  intended  arrest,  a 
number  of  them  came  together  determined  to  rescue  Branson 
if  possible  before  he  could  be  harmed.  The  rescue  was 
arranged  and  conducted  by  Major  J.  B.  Abbott,  a  man  who 
lived  in  the  neighborhood,  a  brave  man  and  a  man  of  promi- 
nence for  many  years  afterwards.  He  w^as  assisted  by  S.  N. 
Wood,  of  Lawrence,  who  had  come  from  the  same  section  of 
Ohio  as  the  murdered  man,  Dow.  •  Wood  was  one  of  the 
characters  of  the  times,  a  man  of  infinite  nerve,  and  as  calm 
and  cool  in  such  a  matter  as  he  would  be  in  any  common 
affair.  There  were  two  others  present  who  lived  in  Lawrence, 
Samuel  F.  Tappan  and  Samuel  C.  Smith.  The  rest  were  all 
neighbors  of  Branson,  living  on  farms  near  his.  By  eleven 
o'clock  some  fifteen  men  had  gathered  at  Abbott's  house  to 
attempt  to  save  Branson.  They  were  armed  with  all  sorts  of 
weapons.  Some  of  them  had  rifles;  some  of  them  had  shot- 
guns; and  some  of  them  had  pistols.  They  had  come  with 
anything  they  hapened  to  have  in  the  house.  One  or  two 
had  no  weapons  whatever.  One  of  these  picked  up  two  large 
stones  which  he  clutched  in  his  hands  in  a  way  which  showed 
his  intensity  of  purpose,  and  illustrated  the  determination  of 
the  whole  company. 


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TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  49 

They  hardly  knew  what  to  do  or  which  way  to  go.  It  was 
entirely  uncertain  what  road  Jones  and  his  party  would  take, 
and  in  the  night  it  was  impossible  to  see  them  any  distance. 
But  while  they  were  wondering  what  to  do,  some  one  burst 
into  the  house  and  said:  ''They  are  coming."  S.  N.  Wood, 
one  of  the  party,  wrote  a  vivid  account  of  the  rescue  a  short 
time  after. 

"Pell-mell  we  rushed  out  of  the  house  and  got  into  the 
road  ahead  of  them.  They  halted  within  two  rods  of  us.  A 
moment  was  passed  in  silence  when  one  of  their  party  said: 
'What 'sup?'  Abbott  asked,  'Is  Branson  there?'  Branson 
replied,  'Yes,  I  am  here,  a  prisoner.'  S.  N.  Wood  said,  'If 
you  want  to  be  among  your  friends  come  over  here.'  One  of 
their  party  said,  'If  you  move  we  will  shoot  you.'  Said 
Wood,  "Come  on,  let  them  shoot  if  they  want  to.  If  you 
shoot,  not  a  man  of  you  will  leave  alive.'  Branson 
attempted  to  ride  to  us;  he  was  on  a  mule.  'Whose  mule  is 
that?'  'Their's.'  'Get  off  and  let  it  go.'  Wood  left  the 
ranks,  kicked  the  old  mule  and  told  it  to  go  back  to  its  friends. 
Arms  were  aimed  and  cocked  on  both  sides,  but  just  as  Bran- 
son left  the  ranks,  one  of  the  opposite  party  lowered  his  gun 
with  the  remark:  'I  aint  gqing  to  shoot.'  Jones  then  advanced 
on  horseback,  said  his  name  was  Jones,  that  he  was  sheriff  of 
Douglas  county,  that  he  had  a  warrant  to  arrest  old  man 
Branson,  and  he  must  serve  it.  He  was  told,  'we  knew  no 
Sheriff  Jones;  we  know  a  postmaster  at  Westport,  Missouri, 
by  that  name  but  we  knew  no  Sheriff  Jones.'  Jones  still  said 
he  had  a  warrant  to  arrest  Branson  and  he  must  do  it.  S.  N. 
Wood  said  he  was  Branson's  attorney,  and  if  he  had  a  warrant 
to  arrest  him  he  wanted  to  see  it,  and  see  if  it  was  all  right. 
Jones  said  he  had  it,  but  refused  to  show  it.  Wood  asked  if 
it  had  been  read  or  shown  to  Branson.  Jones  admitted  that 
it  had  not.  He  was  told  that  until  he  produced  the  warrant, 
Branson  could  not  go  with  him.  At  least  an  hour  was  spent 
4 


50  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

ill  parleying,  when  Jones  and  his  company  bid  us  good  night 
and  rode  away." 

The  rescue  occurred  near  Blanton's  bridge,  some  five  miles 
s.outh  of  Lawrence.  The  rescuing  party  were  all  from  the  neigh- 
borhood, except  three  who  were  from  Lawrence.  The  rescue 
occurred  at  about  one  o'clock  in  the  morning,  some  two  hours 
after  the  arrest.  It  was  afterwards  learned  that  Jones  and  his 
party  had  spent  the  intervening  time  at  the  house  of  a  pro- 
slavery  man,  rejoicing  at  their  success.  They  honored  the 
event  in  the  approved  border  ruffian  style,  drinking  whiskey 
and  carousing. 

After  Jones  had  gone  the  rescuers  were  in  a  quandary. 
They  had  Branson,  but  were  puzzled  to  know  what  to  do 
next.  They  began  to  realize  that  the  situation  was  serious. 
They  had  taken  a  prisoner  out  of  the  hands  of  an  officer  of 
the  law.  Jones  and  his  friends  would  make  the  most  of  it.  It 
added  fuel  to  fire  already  kindled,  and  furnished  him  the 
occasion  he  had  been  seeking  so  long  to  make  an  onslaught 
on  the  free-state  men,  and  either  compel  them  to  recognize 
the  bogus  laws  under  which  he  held  his  appointment,  or  else 
actually  resist  them  and  expose  themselves  to  the  penalties. 
The  company  of  rescuers  at  once  discussed  the  situation. 
They  knew  this  was  not  the  end,  and  was  probably  only  the 
beginning.  They  at  once  decided  to  go  into  Lawrence  and 
tell  the  story  to  Dr.  Charles  Robinson,  whose  cool  head  and 
clear  sense  were  always  relied  upon  in  times  of  real  difficulty. 

They  reached  Lawrence  in  the  gray  of  the  morning,  and 
proceeded  at  once  to  Dr.  Robinson's  house.  Mrs.  Robinson, 
in  her  book  written  soon  after,  describes  the  appearance  of 
the  men  as  they  drew  up  before  the  house  in  the  morning 
twilight. 

*'I  shall  never  forget  the  appearance,  in  simple  citizens 
dress,  some  armed  and  some  unarmed,  standing  in  unbroken 
line,  just  visible  in  the  breaking  light  of  a  November  morn- 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  5 1 

ing.  The  little  band  of  less  than  twenty  men  had  walked  ten 
miles  since  nine  o'clock  the  previous  evening.  Mr.  Branson, 
a  large  man  of  fine  proportions,  stood  a  little  forward  of  the 
line,  with  his  head  slightly  bent,  which  an  old  straw  hat 
hardly  protected  from  the  cold,  looking  as  though  in  his 
hurry  of  departure  frorn  home  he  took  whatever  came  first." 

As  soon  as  Dr.  Robinson  came  to  the  window  they  told  him 
their  story.  They  set  before  him  all  the  details  of  the  arrest 
and  the  rescue,  and  of  the  threats  Jones  had  made  on  being 
foiled  of  his  purpose.  After  a  few  minutes  thought  the 
doctor  replied  to  them.  He  said  in  effect  that  it  was  a  serious 
affair,  and  would  no  doubt  be  used  by  their  foes  as  a  pretext 
for  attacking  Lawrence,  and  if  possible  destroying  it.  They 
had  only  been  waiting  for  an  occasion,  and  this  would  furnish 
it.  A  prisoner  taken  from  the  hands  of  the  officers  of  the  law 
would  be  called  an  insurrection.  The  militia  would  be  called 
out  ostensibly  to  sustain  the  officers,  really  to  destroy  Law- 
rence. There  was  but  one  thing  now  to  be  done.  The 
affair  had  occurred  several  miles  from  Lawrence.  Only  three 
Lawrence  men  were  concerned  in  it,  and  they  were  on  their 
own  responsibility.  The  people  of  Lawrence  knew  nothing 
about  it.  They  could  not  be  held  responsible  for  an  act  of 
which  they  did  not  know  until  several  hours  after  its  occur- 
rence. The  perpetrators  must  take  care  of  themselves  and 
keep  out  of  the  way.  If  Jones  and  his  posse  came  to  the 
town  to  make  arrests  they  would  simply  find  no  one  to  arrest. 
They  must  find  the  men  who  committed  the  deed  and  arrest 
them.  At  a  meeting  of  citizens  later  in  the  morning  Robin- 
son's views  were  endorsed.  It  was  the  universal  opinion  that 
as  the  town  of  Lawrence,  as  such,  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
affair,  its  citizens  could  not  be  held  responsible  for  it. 

The  meeting  appointed  a  committee  of  safety  who  were 
empowered  to  defend  the  town  in  case  any  attack  was  made. 
Everyone  felt  very  certain  that  it  would  not  be  long  before 


52 


A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 


the  services  of  the  committee  would  be  called  for.  Dr. 
Robinson  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  committee,  and  they 
proceeded  at  once  to  put  the  town  in  a  condition  for  defense. 
Thus  far  Lawrence  had  not  been  identified  .with  the  affair.  A 
resolution  approving  the  rescue  was  rejected. 

The  events  which  followed  seemed  to  indicate  that  the 
whole  thing  was  a  plot.  The  arrest  of  Branson  was  made  on 
purpose  to  provoke  a  rescue.  Branson  had  committed  no 
crime.  He  had  simply  denounced  the  murder  of  a  member 
of  his  family.  The  whole  country  was  excited  about  the 
murder.  The  arrest  of  Branson  would  inflame  them  to  a 
fever  heat.  Jones  proposed  to  take  him  through  Lawrence. 
After  making  the  arrest  he  waited  two  hours  at  a  pro-slavery 
man's  house  to  give  time  for  the  news  to  get  out.  When 
confronted  by  an  equal  number,  poorly  armed,  he  surrendered 
his  prisoner  w^ithout  firing  a  shot,  simply  muttering  vengeance. 
It  was  just  what  he  was  waiting  for.  A  prisoner  had  been 
taken  by  force  from  the  officers  of  the  law.  They  had  repudi- 
ated the  laws  before;  now  they  had  resisted  them  and  over- 
come the  officers  of  the  law.  It  was  a  trap  and  the  free-state 
men  had  fallen  into  it. 

Jones  lost  no  time  in  making  the  most  of  his  opportunity. 
He  went  to  Franklin,  a  little  pro-slavery  settlement  four 
miles  east  of  Lawrence.  Thence  he  sent  out  his  dispatches. 
His  first  dispatch  was  sent  to  Colonel  A.  G.  Boone  at  West- 
port,  Missouri,  and  his  second  to  the  governor.  The  gov- 
ernor must  call  out  the  militia,  but  Colonel  Boone  must 
furnish  the  men  from  Missouri.  Hence  it  was  important  that 
the  Missouri  allies  should  be  advised  as  soon  as  possible. 
The  dispatches  narrated  the  particulars  of  the  rescue  in 
extravagant  terms,  and  claimed  that  there  was  an  organized 
effort  to  resist  the  laws.  He  needed  three  thousand  men  to 
assist  him  in  making  arrests  of  criminals  who  were  hiding 
from    justice    and    were    being    protected    by    armed    men   in 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  53 

Lawrence.  Governor  Shannon  at  once  issued  a  proclamation 
declaring  the  free-state  men  in  rebellion  and  calling  put  the 
militia  of  the  territory  to  aid  in  the  enforcement  of  the  laws. 
In  his  order  to  General  Richardson  he  said  the  laws  had  been 
resisted  and  that  there  was  an  armed  force  at  Lawrence  in 
open  rebellion.  He  had  been  advised  that  houses  had  been 
burned  in  Douglas  county  and  whole  families  turned  out  onto 
the  open  prairie.  Sheriff  Jones  had  warrants  for  the  men 
who  were  committing  these  crimes,  but  he  needed  three 
thousand  men  to  enable  him  to  execute  these  warrants.  He 
ordered  General  Richardson  to  collect  as  large  a  force  as 
possible,  and  proceed  without  delay  to  Lecompton  and  report 
to  S;  J.  Jones,  sheriff  of  Douglas  county,  "and  render  him  all 
the  aid  in  your  power  in  the  execution  of  any  legal  process  in 
his  hands." 

But  the  "Kansas  militia"  did  not  respond  in  very  large 
numbers.  It  was  not  expected  that  they  would.  The  call 
had  to  be  made  to  the  Kansas  militia,  but  the  Missouri 
militia  was  expected  to  do  the  most  of  the  responding. 
While  all  the  public  proclamations  were  made  to  the  Kansas 
militia,  secret  means  were  taken  to  secure  a  large  force  from 
Missouri.  Daniel  Woodson,  the  secretary  of  the  territory, 
sent  a  private  note  to  an  official  in  Jefferson  City,  asking  him 
"to  call  out  the  Platte  County  Rifles;  but  whatever  you  do, 
do  not  implicate  the  governor."  In  all  these  secret  notes 
they  add,  "Do  not  compromise  the  governor."  The  pro- 
slavery  press  made  frantic  appeals  and  published  the  wildest 
accounts  of  the  situation  in  Kansas. 

The  Missourians  were  already  organized,  and  company  after 
company  moved  towards  Lawrence.  There  were  four  hundred 
men  from  Jackson  county  and  an  equal  number  were  called 
out  from  Weston  and  St.  Joseph.  While,  therefore,  the 
Kansas  militia  responded  only  in  small  numbers,  their  lack  of 
zeal  was  more   than   made   good   by   the   readiness   of  these 


54  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

Missouri  friends  to  rally  to  the  defense  of  law  and  order  in 
the  neighboring  territory.  They  seemed  as  eager  to  come  up 
and  restore  order  as  they  had  been  to  come  and  vote  a  few 
months  before.  They  seemed  ready  to  do  any  sort  of  service 
for  the  new-comers.  They  had  furnished  a  legislature  to 
make  their  laws  for  them,  and  now  they  were  ready  to  furnish 
an  army  to  enforce  those  laws.  Of  the  hundreds  of  armed 
men,  therefore,  who  responded  to  the  call  for  the  ''Kansas 
militia,"  all  but  fifty  or  so  came  from  over  the  line. 

None  of  these  men  who  were  so  eager  to  subdue  rebellion 
thought  it  worth  while  to  inquire  if  there  was  any  rebellion, 
or  any  resistance.  Even  the  governor  in  calling  out  the 
militia,  had  not  thought  it  worth  while  to  inquire  whether  the 
statements  on  which  he  based  that  call  had  any  foundation. 
As  a  matter  of  fact  there  had  been  no  general  resistance  to 
the  execution  of  the  laws.  The  rescue  of  Branson  was  a 
solitary  case,  and  belonged  to  the  neighborhood  where  it 
occurred.  There  had  never  been  any  resistance  in  Lawrence, 
and  there  would  not  have  been.  Sheriff  Jones  could  have 
come  into  Lawrence  at  any  time,  and  made  any  arrests  for 
which  he  had  any  legal  authority.  He  was  several  times  in 
Lawrence  alone  while  he  was  making  these  extensive  prepa- 
rations to  subdue  the  town.  No  one  had  any  thought  of 
molesting  him,  or  interfering  with  him.  But  he  was  deter- 
mined to  force  a  conflict  and  humiliate  the  place,  if  not 
destroy  it. 

The  Missouri  allies  were  not  slow  in  coming  to  the  aid  of 
their  friends  in  Kansas.  They  were  just  ''spoiling  for  a 
fight,"  and  were  waiting  for  a  call.  They  came  from  all 
directions  and  in  all  ways;  in  companies,  squads  and  singly. 
They  only  wanted  a  chance  to  "wipe  out "  that  "abolition 
nest"  at  Lawrence.  In  a  day  or  two  some  fifteen  hundred  men 
had  gathered  at  Franklin,  and  along  the  Wakarusa,  just 
clamoring  to  be  led  up  to  the  hated  town.      They  claimed  to 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  55 

be  acting  as  territorial  militia  though  confessedly  from  Mis- 
souri. They  had  been  organized  and  drilled  at  home  and 
were  all  ready  for  the  fray.  It  was  much  easier  than  to  raise 
and  equip  a  force  in  Kansas.  The  militia  of  Kansas  was  a 
myth  while  that  of  Missouri  was  a  stubborn  fact — very  stub- 
born, it  might  be  added.  A  force  from  pro-slavery  Missouri 
would  be  more  ready  to  do  the  bidding  of  the  pro-slavery 
leaders  than  any  that  could  be  organized  in  Kansas.  They 
camped  mostly  at  Franklin,  while  detachments  were  stretched 
along  the  line  of  the  Wakarusa.  They  expected  to  be  led  at 
once  to  Lawrence,  but  as  they  drew  nearer  they  were  disposed 
to  hesitate.  They  had  heard  large  stories  about  the  Sharpe's 
rifles  with  which  they  understood  the  Yankees  were  armed. 
The  rapidity  with  which  they  could  be  discharged  and  loaded, 
the  great  range  at  which  they  could  do  execution,  and  the 
terrible  havoc  of  their  bullets,  had  been  told  them  in  all 
degrees  of  exaggeration.  William  A.  Phillips,  correspondent 
of  the  New  York  Tribune,  visited  the  camp.  He  claimed  to 
be  a  mere  traveler  going  through  the  country  to  see  what  was 
to  be  seen.  He  engaged  them  in  conversation,  and  they 
became  quite  communicative.  They  were  very  anxious  to 
know  about  those  Sharpe's  rifles.  He  told  them  they  were 
''loaded  by  machinery,"  and  told  them  they  could  be  fired 
"ten  times  a  minute."  They  asked  him  how  far  they  would 
carry.  He  said  he  did  not  believe  all  the  stories  about  them. 
There  were  a  great  many  big  yarns  afloat  about  the  guns. 
He  did  not  believe  they  would  carry  a  ball  much  more  than 
a  mile  with  any  degree  of  accuracy.  So  the  story  went 
around  the  camp  that  there  were  a  thousand  men  in  Law- 
rence,  armed  with  these  terrible  guns,  which  were  ''loaded  by 
machinery,  and  would  kill  a  man  a  mile  away."  The  rumor 
did  not  tend  to  hasten  an  attack. 

But  they  kept  up   their   bluster   and  their  threats.      When- 
ever their  courage  flagged  at  hearing  such  stories  as  we  have 


56  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

referred  to,  they  could  always  get  their  courage  renewed  at  so 
much  a  flask.  If  their  personal  courage  failed,  the  artificial 
kind  was  plentiful,  and  served  their  purpose  just  as  well  so 
long  as  no  enemy  was  in  sight.  They  soon  invested  Lawrence, 
guarding  all  the  fords  of  the  Wakarusa,  and  having  a  camp 
to  the  west  on  the  Lecompton  road.  They  ransacked  the 
country  for  supplies,  and  corn  cribs  and  hen  coops  suffered 
severely  from  the  nightly  attacks  of  these  brave  men.  They 
kept  the  wdiole  country  in  a  state  of  terror,  and  many  people 
abandoned  their  homes  and  sought  safety  in  town.  The 
attack  on  Lawrence,  how^ever,  was  still  delayed.  Every  day 
they  clamored  to  be  led  up  against  the  devoted  place,  but 
every  day,  for  one  reason  and  another,  they  decided  to  wait 
till  morning.  These  whiskey  soaked  heroes  were  fond  of 
telling  the  affrightened  women  and  children  what  they  were 
going  to  do  when  they  *'once  got  into  Lawrence."  But 
every  night  they  came  back  to  camp,  and  Lawrence  was 
spared  "just  one  day  more." 

The  besieged  meanwhile  had  not  been  idle.  They  knew 
the  Branson  rescue  would  be  used  as  a  pretext  for  calling  the 
Missourians  in  to  harrass  and  humiliate  the  free-state  men. 
The  committee  of  safety  began  to  arrange  for  the  defense  of 
the  town.  The  free-state  men  all  over  the  territory  became 
aware  of  the  situation,  and  the  various  military  companies 
came  in  to  help  their  friends  in  Lawrence.  About  five  hun- 
dred men  came  in  thus  from  various  points.  It  was  not  an 
easy  matter  to  feed  such  a  multitude.  As  in  an  earlier 
emergency,  they  had  pretty  much  ''all  things  common." 
The  most  unfortunate  were  those  who  had  something.  All 
the  resources  of  the  place  had  to  be  put  under  contribution. 
Dr.  Spring  in  his  history  says  of  this  time: 

''There  was  a  general  observance  of  decorum  and  order. 
Most  of  the  citizens  made  a  virtue  of  necessity,  and  contrib- 
uted freely   wliat   must   have  been    rudely   confiscated.      In  a 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  57 

single  instance  a  little  outbreak  of  violence  occurred,  expend- 
ing itself  in  the  sack  of  a  small  tailor  shop.  One  night  during 
the  siege,  according  to  the  story  of  a  clerk,  about  twenty  men, 
armed  with  revolvers,  invaded  the  premises,  and  extinguished 
the  candle  by  firing  a  tobacco  box  at  it.  '  Before  I  could 
light  a  candle,'  the  clerk  continued,  '  everything  in  the  store 
was  taken  from  the  shelves  and  carried  away.'  A  young 
woman  who  had  the  misfortune  to  keep  a  hotel,  the  Cincinnati 
House,  in  Lawrence  during  the  impecunious  era  of  the  siege, 
wrote  a  few  days  after  its  close:  '  It  looked  strange  to  see  the 
street  paraded  from  morning  to  night  by  men  in  military 
array;  to  see  them  toil  day  and  night  throwing  up  entrench- 
ments, to  see  them  come  in  to  their  meals,  each  with  a  gun  in 
his  hand,  sometimes  bringing  it  to  the  table.  How  we  toiled 
to  feed  the  multitude,  seldom  snatching  a  moment  to  look  on 
the  strange  scene  and  often  asking,  what  are  the  prospects 
today.'" 

The  Free-State  Hotel  was  not  finished,  but  it  was  used  for 
military  purposes,  and  was  made  quite  comfortable  as  head- 
quarters. Several  of  the  companies  used  it  as  a  "barracks" 
for  the  accommodation  of  the  "army."  The  soldiers  spent 
their  time  during  the  day  in  throwing  up  earth  works  at  the 
most  exposed  points.  These  earth  works  were  circular,  and 
some  of  them  one  hundred  feet  in  diameter.  The  largest 
was  at  the  crossing  of  Massachusetts  and  Pinckney  streets,  a 
little  east  of  where  the  jail  now  stands.  This  was  intended 
as  a  place  of  refuge  for  the  women  and  children  in  case  of  an 
assault.  It  was  built  of  hewn  timbers,  banked  up  with  earth, 
and  a  deep  trench  dug  all  round  it.  It  was  five  feet  high. 
Another  was  at  the  crossing  of  Massachusetts  and  Henry 
streets.  A  third  was  near  New  Hampshire  street,  north  of 
Henry.  Two  others  were  west  of  Massachusetts  street,  one 
of  them  on  Kentucky  street  commanding  the  ravine.  The 
enclosure  at  Massachusetts  and   Henry  streets  was   arranged 


58  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

for  cannon.  Each  of  these  defenses  was  in  charge  of  an 
officer,  and  had  a  contingent  of  troops  assigned  to  its  defense. 
Thus  the  little  community  was  entrenched  on  every  side,  and 
everything  made  ready  for  whatever  might  occur.  There 
were  fully  six  hundred  men  within  the  entrenchments,  and 
two  hundred  or  more  were  armed  with  Sharpe's  rifles.  In 
the  afternoon  of  each  day  there  was  parade  and  drill,  with 
band  playing  and  fiags  flying  from  all  the  principal  points. 
Towards  evening  there  would  be  a  general  gathering,  and 
different  persons  would  exercise  the  inalienable  right  of  an 
American  citizen  and  make  a  speech.  After  others  had  spoken 
Jim  Lane  would  be  called  out,  and  would  work  the  crowd  up 
to  the  fighting  point.  Then  Dr.  Robinson  would  come  for- 
ward and  calm  the  frenzy  and  advise  moderation  and  patience. 
To  ''suffer  and  be  strong  "  was  a  favorite  phrase  with  him. 
As  night  came  on  the  ''guard  was  mounted,"  and  every 
approach  to  the  town  had  its  sentinel.  These  sentinels  were 
posted  in  the  outskirts  and  sometimes  reached  almost  down 
to  the  enemy's  line.  It  was  not  uncommon  for  the  pickets  of 
the  two  armies  to  meet.  William  A.  Phillips,  in  his  "Con- 
quest of  Kansas,"  gives  an  instance  of  this  kind: 

"One  night  when  the  free-state  patrol  approached  the  forks 
of  the  road  where  they  were  ordered  to  go,  they  met  the 
enemy's  patrol  about  twenty  strong.  One  or  two  officers  of 
the  general's  staff  had  volunteered  that  night,  and  General 
George  W.  Dietzler  was  in  command  of  the  guard.  As  they 
approached  the  place  the  leader  of  the  enemy's  guard  shouted, 

"'Halt!     Who  goes  there?     Give  the  countersign.' 

"  'We  have  no  countersign  for  you.  We  are  the  Lawrence 
guard.' 

"  'The  Lawrence  guard  will  file  to  the  left,'  said  the  border 
ruffian  chief,  and  his  own  command  drew  off  the  road  while 
we  filed  by  them.  The  two  companies  thus  passed  each  other, 
there  being  little  more  than  the  road  between  them." 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION,  59 

The  guards  were  under  strict  orders  to  avoid  a  conflict.  If 
there  was  to  be  any  fighting,  the  other  side  must  take  all  the 
responsibility  of  it.  As  the  border  ruffians  tried  every  way 
to  provoke  a  quarrel,  this  policy  was  sometimes  quite  exas- 
perating. But  it  was  evidently  the  wiser  as  well  as  the  more 
humane  policy. 

In  the  day  time  there  was  less  strictness.  People  came  and 
went  very  much  as  they  pleased.  Many  members  of  the  other 
camp  came  into  town  at  different  times.  Sheriff  Jones  him- 
self was  often  in  town,  and  was  never  interfered  with.  He 
made  no  attempts  to  make  any  arrests.  He  doubtless  w^ould 
have  been  glad  if  there  had  been  violence  offered  him,  as  that 
would  give  him  a  new  occasion  for  calling  in  his  friends  from 
Missouri  to  help  him.  There  was  policy  in  thus  allowing 
these  officers  free  access  to  the  town.  The  excuse  Sheriff 
Jones  gave  for  calling  out  the  militia  was  that  he  could  not 
serve  a  writ  in  Lawrence,  and  that  he  needed  three  thousand 
men  to  assist  him.  Yet  he  and  other  officers  could  come  into 
the  town  freely,  and  never  were  molested.  The  troops  had 
been  given  him  for  a  specified  purpose,  to  aid  him  in  making 
arrests.  But  there  was  no  thought  of  resisting  any  arrest  he 
might  attempt  to  make.  If  he  could  only  provoke  the  free- 
state  men  to  violence  he  would  have  a  case.  But  they  steadily 
refused  to  be  provoked,  so  they  spoiled  his   case  every  time. 

During  the  progress  or  the  "siege"  it  was  learned  that  a 
twelve  pounder  howitzer  had  arrived  at  Kansas  City  for  Law- 
rence. Captain  Thomas  Bickerton  and  two  young  men 
named  Buffam  went  to  Kansas  City  with  teams  to  bring  it  up. 
When  they  arrived  at  Kansas  City  they  found  the  commission 
merchant  cross  and  unaccommodating.  He  wanted  to  know 
what  was  in  the  boxes  before  he  would  let  them  go  out  of  his 
warehouse.  One  of  the  Buffam  boys  took  an  axe  and  broke 
into  one  of  the  boxes  and  said  he  believed  it  was  a  carriage. 
The  merchant   looked   into   the   opening  and  saw  the  wheels, 


6o  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

and  was  satisfied.  The  men  then  loaded  their  wagon  with 
the  "goods,"  and  started  for  Leavenworth  across  the  Dela- 
ware reserve.  When  they  had  crossed  the  Kansas  river, 
they  found  the  bluff  leading  up  to  Wyandotte  very  steep,  and 
their  heavily  loaded  wagons  were  "stuck."  A  company  of 
border  ruffians  passed  by,  and  they  asked  them  to  help. 
They  said  they  were  on  their  way  to  Leavenworth  with  goods, 
and  the  hill  was  too  steep  for  their  teams.  Leavenworth 
being  a  good  pro-slavery  town  all  suspicion  was  removed,  and 
the  men  put  their  shoulder  to  the  wheels,  and  helped  the 
Yankees  up  the  hill  with  their  cannon.  As  soon  as  they  were 
well  out  of  the  Delaware  reserve,  they  turned  up  the  Law- 
rence road  and  made  the  best  time  they  could  towards  the 
beleaguered  city.  When  they  drew  near,  word  was  sent  to  the 
free-state  leaders,  and  twenty  armed  men  were  sent  out  to 
meet  them,  and  the  whole  outfit  was  brought  safely  into  town. 
About  the  same  time  it  w^as  feared  the  ammunition  would 
run  short.  There  was  a  lot  of  powder  and  ammunition  for 
Sharpe's  rifles  at  the  house  of  a  free-state  man  on  the  Santa 
Fe  road.  The  problem  was  how  to  get  it  into  town.  At  last 
two  ladies,  Mrs.  S.  N.  Wood  and  Mrs.  G.  W.  Brown,  offered 
to  get  it.  They  went  out  in  a  buggy  and  were  not  molested. 
After  reaching  their  destination  the}^  stowed  the  powder  and 
caps  and  other  things  among  their  clothing  and  started  back. 
The  ruffian  pickets  w'ere  too  gallant  to  molest  ladies,  and 
allowed  them  to  pass  the  lines,  and  they  brought  their  load 
triumphantly  into  town.  The  ladies  helped  in  many  other 
ways  besides  feeding  the  multitudes.  Thus  the  whole  popu- 
lation joined  in  the  defense.  There  was  nothing  else  to  be 
done,  and  nothing  else  was  done.  The  siege  began  about 
December  ist  and  continued  about  a  week.  The  general 
response  of  free-state  men  everywhere  to  "  help  Lawrence  " 
was  very  encouraging.  They  had  come  from  all  parts  and  in 
every    conceivable    manner,    on    foot,     on   horseback   and    in 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  6 1 

wagons;  singly  and  in  squads  and  companies.  Companies 
came  in  from  Bloomington,  Palmyra,  Ottawa  Creek,  Osawato- 
mie  and  Topeka.  The  coming  of  a  well  armed  company 
from  Topeka  was  the  occasion  of  great  enthusiasm  and  a 
source  of  much  encouragement.  Localities  were  forgotten 
in  the  common  danger.  To  let  Lawrence  fall  was  to  expose 
all  these  settlements  to  a  similar  fate.  It  was  one  of  those 
events  which  helped  to  bind  the  free-state  men  together,  and 
prepare  them  the  better  for  the  long  conflict  that  was  coming. 
No  matter  where  they  lived  they  were  all  here  for  a  common 
purpose,  and  they  worked  togethe  r  to  a  common  end.  They 
began  to  understand  the  gravity  of  the  conflict,  but  no  one 
was  inclined  to  draw  back.  The  more  serious  the  conflict 
the  more  firm  was  their  resolve.  ''Their  courage  rose  with 
danger." 


CHAPTER  V. 

Governor  Shannon  Alarmed. — Telegraphs  the  President 
FOR  Regular  Troops. — They  Do  Not  Come. — The  Gov- 
ernor Visits  Lawrence — Confers  with  the  Free-state 
Men. — A  Treaty  of  Peace. — The  Militia  Go  Home. — 
A  Love  Feast  at  Lawrence. — The  Murder  of  Barber. 
— Old  John  Brown. 

Governor  Shannon  soon  began  to  see  that  he  had  raised  a 
storm  that  he  could  nOt  control.  He  had  called  out  the 
militia  to  aid  Sheriff  Jones  in  enforcing  the  laws.  But  no 
resistance  had  ever  been  offered  to  any  regular  legal  process. 
Jones  often  went  through  Lawrence,  and  could  have  served 
any  legal  writ  he  might  have.  There  never  had  been  any 
resistance  in  Lawrence.  The  rescue  of  Branson  had  occurred 
several  miles  from  Lawrence.  The  citizens  of  Lawrence 
knew  nothing  of  it.  When  Governor  Shannon  called  out  the 
Kansas  militia  the  response  came  from  Missouri.  Of  the 
fifteen  hundred  men  camped  at  Franklin  not  over  two  hun- 
dred were  from  Kansas.  They  had  come,  too,  for  a  purpose 
of  their  own.  They  had  come  to  destroy  Lawrence.  They 
were  eager  to  make  an  attack.  They  clamored  to  be  led  out 
to  battle.  They  would  have  raised  the  black  flag  and  marched 
without  orders  had  they  not  conceived  a  wholesome  fear  of 
the  Sharpe's  rifles  with  which  the  defenders  of  the  town  were 
armed.  They  were  a  lawless  lot,  many  of  them.  They  roved 
about  the  country  committing  depredations,  and  a  collision 
between  the  two  opposing  forces  was  liable  to  occur  any  day. 
The  picket  lines  confronted  each  other,  and  a  stray  shot 
might  at  any  time  precipitate  a  conflict.  Only  the  firm 
determination  of  the  free-state  men  not  to  give  any  possible 
excuse  for  violence  prevented  serious  results.  Governor 
Shannon  saw  something  of  the  danger  and   was  anxious  for 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  63 

a  settlement.  General  L.  J.  Eastin,  editor  of  the  Leaven- 
worth Herald  and  commander  of  the  northern  brigade  of  the 
Kansas  militia,  wrote  to  the  governor.  He  told  him  ''the 
outlaws,"  as  he  called  them,  were  strongly  intrenched  at 
Lawrence  and  were  well  armed.  They  had  cannons  and 
Sharpe's  rifles,  and  numbered  about  a  thousand  men.  It  was 
not  going  to  be  easy  to  dislodge  them.  The  militia  was  dis- 
organized and  poorly  armed.  He  advised  the  governor  to 
call  on  the  authorities  at  Fort  Leavenworth  for  government 
troops.  This  might  overawe  ''the  outlaws"  and  prevent 
bloodshed.  The  governor  at  once  telegraphed  the  president, 
stating  the  condition  of  things,  and  asking  authority  to  call  on 
the  regular  troops  at  Fort  Leavenworth.  He  sent  a  dispatch 
also  to  Colonel  E.  V.  Sumner,  who  was  in  command  at  the 
fort,  to  hold  himself  in  readiness  to  march  at  once  on  receipt 
of  orders  from  Washington.  Colonel  Sumner  replied,  under 
date  of  December  ist,  as  follows: 

"I  do  not  feel  that  it  would  be  right  in  me  to  act  in  this 
important  matter  until  orders  are  received  from  the  govern- 
ment. I  shall  be  ready  to  move  instantly  when  I  receive 
them.  I  would  respectfully  suggest  that  you  make  your 
application  extensively  known  at  once,  and  that  you  counter- 
mand any  orders  that  may  have  been  given  the  militia  until 
you  receive  the  answer." 

The  colonel  seemed  to  understand  wherein  the  real  danger 
lay.  The  real  danger  lay  in  the  lawlessness  of  the  "posse" 
which  Sheriff  Jones  had  gathered  about  him  at  Franklin. 
The  governor  accepted  the  suggestion.  He  wrote  to  Jones 
ordering  him  to  refrain  from  any  attempt  to  serve  writs  until 
the  answer  should  come  from  Washington.  But  Jones  did 
not  relish  the  idea  of  submitting  his  action  to  the  inspection 
of  such  a  man  as  Colonel  Sumner.  He  knew  that  he  had  no 
case  which  would  stand  for  a  moment  in  the  eyes  of  a  clear- 
headed, fair-minded  man  like  him.      He  replied  to  the  gov- 


04  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

ernor  from  the  ''Camp  at  Wakarusa, "  under  the  date  of 
December  3rd,  that  the  volunteer  forces  at  that  point  and  at 
LecOmpton  were  growing  weary  of  inaction.  He  feared  that 
they  would  remain  but  a  few  days  longer  unless  a  demand 
was  made  for  the  prisoner.  He  thought  he  should  have  a 
sufficient  force  to  serve  the  writs  by  the  next  day.  He  was 
not  disposed  to  disobey  the  governor's  order,  but  he  really 
thought  the  demand  should  be  made  just  as  soon  as  a  suffic- 
ient force  had  been  collected  to  enforce  it.  He  added  that 
the  force  at  Lawrence  was  not  nearly  as  strong  as  had  been 
reported.  He  said  he  had  sixteen  writs  to  serve  against 
persons  in  Lawrence.  He  could  not  give  all  the  names  as 
the  writs  were  in  his  office  at  Lecompton.  He  said  he  had 
heard  that  the  men  who  had  aided  in  the  rescue  of  Branson 
had  been  run  out  of  town  and  probably  could  not  be  found. 

Governor  Shannon  received  word  from  Washington  that 
orders  would  be  sent  to  Fort  Leavenworth  putting  the  United 
States  troops  there  at  his  disposal.  He  was  anxious  Colonel 
Sumner  should  not  wait  for  the  formal  orders,  but  move  at 
once  on  the  strength  of  his  information.  But  Colonel  Sumner 
refused  to  move  until  the  orders  were  actually  received.  The 
orders  never  came  and  Colonel  Sumner  did  not  move.  It  has 
never  been  known  why  the  orders  promised  by  the  president 
were  never  sent.  Governor  Robinson,  in  his  ''Conflict," 
suggests  the  most  probable  explanation.  Jefferson  Davis 
was  secretary  of  war.  The  pro-slavery  leaders  were  anxious 
to  bring  about  a  conflict  in  Kansas.  Technically  the  law  was 
on  their  side,  and  the  power  was  on  their  side.  A  conflict 
would  embarrass  and  perhaps  crush  the  free-state  movement. 
Jefferson  Davis  doubtless  knew  the  situation  and  was  in  the 
secret  of  the  pro-slavery  counsels.  He  therefore  never  sent 
the  orders  which  had  been  promised  by  the  president. 

While  this  w^as  going  on,  the  committee  of  safety  at  Law- 
rence were  not  idle.    They  wished  to  avoid  a  conflict,  although 


LYMAN    ALLEN. 


WESLEY    DUNCAN. 


EARLY  KANSAS  PIONEERS. 


TO  thp:  close  of  the  rebellion.  65 

they  were  preparing  for  it.  So  long  as  the  two  armies  lay 
side  by  side  a  conflict  might  occur  at  any  hour.  They  knew 
that  the  governor  had  been  misinformed  and  that  there  was 
no  just  reason  for  assembling  so  large  a  force  on  their  borders. 
It  was  a  continual  menace  and  peril.  They  determined  to 
lay  the  case  before  the  governor,  and  appeal  to  him  for  pro- 
tection. They  wrote  to  the  governor,  therefore,  and  sent  the 
letter  by  a  select  committee  consisting  of  G.  P.  Lowry  and 
C.  W.  Babcock. 

''To  His  Excellency,  Wilson  Shatinon,  Governor  of  Kansas  Territory : 
"Sir:  As  citizens  of  Kansas  territory  we  desire  to  call  your  attention  to  the 
fact  that  a  large  force  of  armed  men  from  a  foreign  state  have  assembled  in 
the  vicinity  of  Lawrence,  and  are  now  committing  depredations  upon  our 
citizens,  stopping  wagons,  opening  and  appropriating  their  loading,  arrest- 
ing, detaining  and  threatening  travelers  upon  the  public  road,  and  that  they 
claim  to  do  this  by  your  authority.  We  desire  to  know  if  they  do  appear 
by  your  authority,  and  if  you  will  secure  the  peace  and  quiet  of  the  com- 
munity by  ordering  their  instant  removal,  or  compel  us  to  resort  to  some 
other  means  and  to  higher  authority." 

(Signed  by  the  committee.) 

It  was  no  easy  matter  to  reach  Governor  Shannon.  All  the 
roads  were  guarded  and  all  lines  of  communication  closed. 
Lowry  and  Babcock  had  to  work  their  way  through  the  lines 
of  the  border  ruffians  as  best  they  could.  They  were  halted 
several  times  and  detained,  but  they  were  equal  to  ,the  emer- 
gency. Each  time  they  beguiled  the  pickets  and  were  allowed 
to  pass  on.  At  last  they  reached  the  governor  at  Shawnee, 
and  presented  him  their  letter.  Their  interview  is  set  forth 
in  G.  P.  Lowry's  testimony  before  the  congressional  com- 
mittee. 

''We  got  to  Shawnee  Mission  a  little  after  sunrise,  and 
presented  our  letter  to  Governor  Shannon.  *  *  *  Governor 
Shannon  said  that  he  would  answer  the  letter,  and  we  went 
out  while  he  was  doing  so.  When  we  returned  we  had  a  long 
conversation   about   these   affairs.      The   governor  said   there 


66  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

had  been  sixteen  houses  burned  by  free-state  men,  and  women 
and  children  driven  out  of  doors.  We  told  him  we  were  sorry 
he  had  not  taken  the  pains  to  inquire  into  the  truth  of  the 
matter  before  he  had  brought  this  large  force  into  the  country, 
which  perhaps  he  could  not  get  out  again;  that  this  informa- 
-tion  was  wholly  false,  and  nothing  of  the  kind  had  happened. 
We  told  him  what  we  knew  of  our  personal  knowledge,  of 
men  from  Missouri  being  there.  He  was  not  inclined  at  first 
to  admit  that  there  was  anybody  from  Missouri  there.  He 
made  a  general  argument  against  the  free-state  men,  and 
quoted  their  resolutions  passed  at  different  meetings  in  regard 
to  the  territorial  laws.  We  explained  to  him  that  the  terri- 
torial laws  had  nothing  to  do  with  this  case.  We  were  get- 
ting ready  at  Lawrence  to  fight  for  our  lives,  and  the  only 
question  was  whether  he  would  be  a  particeps  criininis  to  our 
murder,  or  the  murder  of  somebody  else,  if  we  should  all  be 
slaughtered.  We  explained  to  him  that  the  rescue,  upon 
which  he  based  his  proclamation,  took  place  a  number  of 
miles  from  Lawrence;  that  there  were  but  three  persons  living 
in  Lawrence  who  had  anything  to  do  with  it,  and  they  had 
left  the  town  and  were  not  there  at  all;  that  from  what  we 
could  judge  from  the  force  at  Wakarusa,  at  Lecompton,  and 
in  the  country  about,  from  their  own  declarations,  they  in- 
tended to  destroy  the  town  for  a  thing  in  which  they  had  no 
part  or  parcel. 

*'We  took  our  own  individual  cases  as  instances.  We  had 
not  been  present  at  the  rescue;  we  did  not  undertake  to  have 
any  sympathy  with  it,  or  talk  about  it  at  all.  But  if  we  sub- 
mitted to  the  force  which  he  had  called  in,  all  our  throats 
would  be  cut  together — the  innocent  and  the  guilty — if  there 
were  any  guilty. 

''He  denied  that  these  Missourians  were  here  by  his  author- 
ity; that  he  had  anything  to  do  with  them,  or  was  responsible 
for  them.      He  said  he  had  communicated  with  Colonel  Sum- 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  67 

ner  at  Fort  Leavenworth,  and  had  sent  an  express  for  him 
to  meet  him  that  night  at  Delaware  Ferry,  and  go  with  him 
to  the  camp  on  the  Wakarusa.  He  said  he  should  go  to  Law- 
rence and  insist  upon  the  people  obeying  the  law^s  and  deliver 
up  their  Sharpe's  rifles.  We  denied  his  right,  or  the  right  of 
anybody  else,  to  make  any  such  condition  of  a  community,  or 
make  any  such  demand  of  them,  until  it  had  been  shown  that 
they  had  resisted  the  laws,  which  they  had  not  done.  There 
had  as  yet  been  no  proceedings  in  Lawrence  under  the  terri- 
torial laws.  He  had  no  right  to  presume  that  there  would  be 
any  resistance  to  them  w^hen  they  were  instituted.  He 
gave  up  that  point  after  some  argument.  I  asked  him  why 
he  insisted  on  the  giving  up  of  the  Sharpe's  rifles,  and  if  he 
intended  to  demand,  too,  western  rifles,  shot  guns  and  other 
arms.  He  said  he  did  not  intend  to  demand  other  than 
Sharpe's  rifles,  but  he  intended  to  demand  them  because  they 
were  an  unlawful  weapon.  After  some  time  he  said  they  were 
dangerous  weapons,  to  which  I  agreed.  I  then  told  him  if  he 
had  any  such  ideas  in  his  head  as  that,  he  had  better  stay 
away  and  let  the  fight  go  on.  I  thought  the  thing  was  not 
feasible,  and  he  would  do  no  good  by  coming  here,  if  those 
were  his  terms.  I  told  him  he  might  as  well  demand  of  me 
my  pocket-book,  or  my  watch;  and  I  would  resent  the  one 
no  more  than  the  other.  I  told  him  I  did  not  consider  myself 
safe,  or  that  General  Robinson  or  Colonel  Lane  would  be  safe, 
in  going  before  our  people  with  any  such  proposition. 

''He  then  gave  us  the  letter  and  we  started  to  Kansas  City 
to  change  horses." 

Governor  Shannon  now  began  to  ''see  men,  as  trees,  walk- 
ing." He  saw  at  least  that  he  had  acted  without  investigat- 
ing the  grounds  of  his  actions.  The  rumors  of  free-state 
outrages  he  had  accepted  as  true.  He  now  found  they  were 
false.  He  had  called  a  great  army  to  enforce  laws  which  had 
not  been   resisted.      Whatever  the   people   of   Lawrence  had 


68  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

said  about  the  territorial  laws,  they  had  not  resisted  them,  for 
no  attempt  had  been  made  to  put  them  into  operation.  They 
certainly  had  not  merited  extinction  at  the  hands  of  a  mob, 
and  they  were  only  doing  what  any  set  of  men  would  do:  de- 
fending their  lives.  He  saw  that  his  hasty  proclamation  had 
brought  a  lot  of  Missourians  into  Kansas,  and  sectional  pas- 
sions, as  well  as  hate,  had  been  appealed  to.  A  bloody  con- 
flict was  likely  to  occur,  and  he  would  be  held  responsible  for 
the  consequences.  His  first  work  was  to  get  rid  of  the 
sheriff's  posse  without  any  further  depredations.  This  was 
not  an  easy  thing  to  do.  Many  of  them  were  border  desper- 
adoes full  of  bad  whiskey  and  worse  passions.  They  had 
come  swearing  that  they  w^ould  "cut  the  heart  out  of  some 
abolitionist"  before  they  went  back.  While  they  shrank  from 
confronting  the  Lawrence  rifles,  they  were  not  disposed  to  be 
foiled  in  the  purpose  for  which  they  came. 

Now  that  the  governor  began  to  understand  the  situation, 
he  was  anxious  to  avert  any  further  violence.  He  repaired  at 
once  to  the  Wakarusa  camp  to  endeavor  to  persuade  the  men 
to  go  home,  and  let  peaceful  measures  be  tried.  He  arrived 
at  the  camp  on  the  evening  of  December  5th.  He  found  that 
many  of  the  officers  had  come  to  a  ''realizing  sense"  of  the 
awkwardness  of  the  situation,  but  the  rank  and  file  were  still 
of  the  idea  of  "helping  Jones  wipe  out  Lawrence."  They 
had  been  waiting  from  three  to  five  days,  living  on  what  they 
could  steal  of  the  people,  and  drinking  up  their  stock  of 
whiskey.  The}^  were  not  disposed  to  go  back  till  they  had  fin- 
ished their  work.  The  governor  w^as  anxious  to  have  Colonel 
Sumner  with  him  to  help  in  the  negotiations,  and  to  enforce 
the  conclusions  they  might  reach.      His  letter  to  him  was  as 

follows: 

"Wakarusa,  December  6,  1855. 
"Colonel  Sumner,  First  Cavalry,  U.  S.: 

Sir: — I  send  you  this  special  dispatch  to  ask  you  to  come  to  Lawrence  as 
soon  as  you  possibly  can.     My  object  is  to  secure  the  citizens  of  that  place  as 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  69 

well  as  others,  from  a  warfare  which,  if  once  commenced,  there  is  no  telling 
where  it  will  end.  I  doubt  not  that  you  have  received  orders  from  Wash- 
ington, but  if  you  have  not  the  absolute  pressure  of  this  crisis  is  such  as  to 
justify  you  with  the  president,  and  the  world,  in  moving* to  the  scene  of 
the  difficulty. 

"  It  is  hard  to  restrain  the  men  here  (at  least  they  are  beyond  my  power, 
or  soon  will  be)  from  making  an  attack  on  Lawrence.  The  presence  of 
United  States  troops  at  Lawrence  would  prevent  an  attack,  save  bloodshed, 
and  enable  us  to  get  matters  arranged  in  a  satisfactory  way;  and  at  the  same 
time  secure  an  execution  of  the  laws.  It  is  peace,  not  war,  that  we  want, 
and  you  have  the  power  to  secure  peace.     Time  is  precious;  fear  not   that 

you  will  be  sustained. 

"With  greatest  respect, 

"Wilson  Shannon." 

Colonel  Sumner  had  received  no  orders  from  Washington, 
and  he  was  too  much  of  a  soldier  to  move  without  orders. 
He  therefore  very  courteously  but  firmly  declined. 

After  conferring  with  the  officers  at  the  Wakarusa  camp, 
Governor  Shannon  sent  word  to  Lawrence  that  he  wished 
to  visit  that  place  in  the  interests  of  peace,  and  asked 
for  an  escort.  An  escort  was  furnished,  consisting  of  leading 
citizens  of  the  place,  led  by  G.  P.  Lowry.  The  governor 
was  accompanied  by  Colonel  Boone,  of  Westport;  Colonel 
Kearney,  of  Independence,  and  General  Strickler,  also  of 
Missouri.  He  entered  Lawrence  December  7th  and  went  at 
once  to  the  rooms  of  the  committee  of  safety  at  the  Free-State 
Hotel.  The  committee  of  safety  was  represented  by  Dr. 
Charles  Robinson  and  Colonel  James  H.  Lane.  The  inter- 
view lasted  over  an  hour.  He  heard  the  whole  story  from  the 
free-state  standpoint,  and  found  that  he  had  been  entirely 
misled  as  to  the  condition  of  affairs.  He  suggested  that 
a  memorandum  of  a  treaty  be  drawn  up  which  could  be  pre- 
sented to  the  other  camp  as  a  basis  of  settlement.  He  also 
urged  that  they  surrender  their  arms  as  a  condition  and  pledge 
of  peace,  but  this  they  refused  to  do. 

He  returned  to  the  camp  at  Wakarusa,    and   insisted  that 


70  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

no  movement  should  be  made  while  negotiations  for  peace 
were  going  on.  The  men  in  camp  were  almost  in  a  state  of 
mutiny,  and  were  threatening  to  raise  the  black  flag  and 
march  on  Lawrence,  orders  or  no  orders.  But  the  governor 
insisted  that  the  officers  must  repress  any  such  movement,  as 
an  ''attack  on  Lawrence,  in  the  present  state  of  negotiations, 
would  be  most  unjustifiable." 

Having  done  all  in  his  power  to  impress  his  views  on  the 
officers,  and  to  quiet  the  ugly  temper  of  the  men,  he  returned 
to  Lawrence  in  the  evening  to  complete  the  work.  He  had 
drawn  up  a  paper  as  a  basis  of  a  treaty,  and  the  free-state 
leaders  had  also  drawn  up  one.  With  a  few  verbal  changes  that 
presented  by  the  free-state  men  was  accepted  by  the  governor. 
The  governor  accepted  it  for  himself  and  the  leaders  of  the 
invading  army,  and  Robinson  and  Lane  for  the  people  of 
Lawrence.      The  "treaty"  was  as  follows: 

"TREATY  OF  PEACE. 

"  Whereas,  there  is  a  misunderstanding  between  the  people  of  Kansas,  or 
a  portion  of  them,  and  the  governor  thereof,  arising  out  of  the  rescue  at 
Hickory  Point  of  a  citizen  under  arrest,  and  other  matters;  and 

"  Whereas,  a  strong  apprehension  exists  that  said  misunderstanding  may 
lead  to  civil  strife  and  bloodshed;  and 

"  Whereas,  it  is  desired  by  both  Governor  Shannon  and  the  citizens  of 
Lawrence  and  its  vicinity  to  avoid  a  calamity  so  disastrous  to  the  territory  and 
the  union,  and  to  place  all  parties  in  a  correct  position  before  the  world,  now 
therefore  it  is  agreed  by  said  Governor  Shannon,  and  the  undersigned  citi- 
zens of  the  territory  now  assembled,  that  the  matter  be  settled  as  follows, 
to- wit: 

"We,  the  said  citizens  of  said  territory,  protest  that  the  said  rescue  was 
made  without  our  knowledge  or  consent,  but  if  any  of  our  citizens  were 
engaged  in  said  rescue,  we  pledge  ourselves  to  aid  in  the  execution  of  any 
legal  process  against  them;  that  we  have  no  knowledge  of  the  previous, 
present  or  prospective  existence  of  any  organization  in  said  territory  for 
resistance  against  the  laws,  and  that  we  have  not  designed,  and  do  not 
design,  to  resist  the  legal  service  of  any  criminal  process  therein,  but  pledge 
ourselves  to  aid  in  the  execution  of  the  laws,  when  called  on  by  proper 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  7I 

authority,  in  the  town  or  vicinity  of  Lawrence,  and  that  we  will  use  all  our 
influence  in  preserving  order  therein;  and  we  declare  that  we  are,  as  we 
ever  have  been,  ready  at  any  time  to  aid  the  governor  in  securing  a  posse  for 
the  execution  of  such  processes:  Provided  that  any  person  thus  arrested  in 
Lawrence  or  vicinity,  while  a  foreign  force  shall  remain  in  the  territory, 
shall  be  examined  before  a  United  States  judge  of  said  territory  in  said 
town  and  admitted  to  bail;  and  provided  further  that  Governor  Shannon 
agrees  to  use  his  influence  to  secure  to  the  citizens  of  Kansas  territory 
remuneration  for  any  damage  sustained,  or  unlawful  depredations,  if  any 
such  have  been  committed  by  the  sheriff's  posse  in  Douglas  county;  and 
further  that  Governor  Shannon  states  that  he  has  not  called  upon  persons 
resident  in  any  other  state  to  aid  in  the  execution  of  the  laws,  and  such  as 
are  here  in  this  territory  are  here  of  their  own  choice,  and  that  he  has  not 
any  authority  or  any  legal  power  to  do  so,  nor  will  he  exercise  any  such 
power,  and  that  he  will  not  call  upon  any  such  citizen  of  another  state  who 
may  be  here:  That  we  wish  it  understood  that  we  do  not  herein  express  any 
opinion  as  to  the  validity  of  the  enactments  of  the  territorial  legislature. 

(Signed) 
"Done  in  Lawrence,  Kansas,  }  "Wilson  Shannon. 

December  8,  1855.  f  .-C.  Robinson. 

"J.  H.  Lane." 

The  agreement  was  very  adroitly  drawn,  and  the  last  clause 
in  regard  to  the  territorial  legislature,  left  it  an  open  question 
as  to  what  was  meant  by  "legal  processes"  and  ^'proper 
authorities."  Each  side  could  put  upon  these  phrases  the 
interpretation  which  suited  them.  When  it  was  read  to  the 
people  of  Lawrence,  therefore,  they  all  assented  to  it,  and  the 
"treaty"  was  ratified  as  far  as  they  were  concerned. 

The  next  point  was  to  secure  its  adoption  by  the  invaders 
at  Franklin.  This  was  the  principal  object  of  the  treaty,  to 
persuade  these  ruffians  from  Missouri  to  go  home.  This  was 
no  easy  matter.  They  came  up  with  a  great  deal  of  bluster, 
and  had  swaggered  around  for  a  week,  boasting  the  great 
things  they  were  going  to  do.  To  go  home  without  doing 
anything,  and  acknowledge  themselves  outwitted,  was  very 
humiliating. 


72  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

Governor  Shannon  was  extremely  anxious  to  affect  a  settle- 
ment. He  realized  that  the  difficulty  would  be  with  the 
invading  army.  They  were  beyond  his  control,  and  the 
officers  had  little  authority.  Discipline  was  little  more  than 
a  form  and  the  whole  multitude  was  coming  to  be  a  disorgan- 
ized mob.  Governor  Shannon  had  arranged  to  have  a  joint 
meeting  of  the  leaders  of  each  side.  He  asked  that  a  delega- 
tion from  Lawrence  go  with  him  to  Franklin  and  meet  with 
the  leaders  of  the  opposite  party.  Lane  and  Robinson  went 
with  him,  when  he  took  the  treaty,  to  explain  more  fully  the 
attitude  of  the  free-state  men.  This  meeting  is  best  described 
in  Governor  Robinson's  own  language,  as  found  in  his  ''Con- 
flict:" 

''At  the  meeting,  in  an  unfinished  building.  Governor 
Shannon  led  off  with  an  explanation  of  the  settlement,  giving 
the  position  occupied  by  the  citizens  of  Lawrence.  After  him 
Colonel  Lane  attempted  to  speak,  but  his  opening  so  offended 
the  thirteen'  militia  captains  that  they  started  to  leave  the 
room,  saying  they  did  not  come  to  be  insulted.  The  governor 
begged  them  to  remain  and  hear  Dr.  Robinson.  Lane  did 
not  proceed,  and  Robinson  in  a  few  words  explained  the 
action  of  the  citizens  of  Lawrence,  saying  that  no  attempt 
had  ever  been  made  to  serve  any  process  by  any  officer,  real 
or  pretended.  Jones  was  appealed  to  by  a  military  captain 
to  know  if  Robinson  told  the  truth.  Jones  replied  that  he 
did.  'We  have  been  damnably  deceived,  then.'  As  to  the 
Sharpe's  rifles,  Robinson  appealed  to  them  to  say  if  they 
w^ould  as  American  citizens  submit  to  be  deprived  of  their 
constitutional  right  to  bear  arms,  or  if  they  would  respect 
any  people  who  would  submit.  The  leading  men  saw  their 
predicament,  and  said:  'Boys,  it  is  no  use.  They  have  got 
us.  We  can  do  nothing  this  time.'  The  conference  ended 
with  a  pressing  invitation  to  remain  to  supper.  This  Robin- 
son and  Lane,  as  it  w^as  getting  dark  and  a  cold  north  wind 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  73 

had  arisen  with  heavy  sleet,  tried  to  decline.  But  they  said 
Governor  Shannon  and  party  had  dined  with  Robinson,  and 
no  refusal  would  be  accepted.  When  supper  was  over  it  was 
so  dark  no  object  was  visible,  and  the  sound  of  the  horses' 
hoofs  on  the  hard  ground  was  the  only  guide.  A  solitary 
horseman  started  to  escort  the  visitors  through  the  line,  but 
he  proceeded  only  a  few  hundred  yards  when  he  said  good- 
night, and  left  his  charge  to  get  through  the  lines  as  best  they 
could.  At  this  Lane  said:  'Hurry  up.  This  means  assassin- 
ation. They  mean  to  kill  us.'  He  started  his  horse  on  a 
run.  *  *  *  Deep  gullies  had  been  washed  in  the  road  at  this 
point,  causing  the  travelers  to  turn  sharply  to  the  right  to 
avoid  them.  As  Robinson's  horse  was  on  the  left,  his  horse 
ran  into  one  of  these  gullies,  while  Lane's  horse  escaped. 
The  horse  fell  with  great  force,  and  for  some  minutes  was 
unable  to  rise.  No  damage  was  done,  however,  except  the 
delay." 

Sheriff  Jones  and  his  friends  were  very  sullen  at  the  turn 
affairs  had  taken.  All  the  hot-heads  were  very  bitter  at  the 
governor  for  interfering,  and  there  was  a  good  deal  of  grum- 
bling in  the  invaders'  camp.  But  the  old  saying  that  ''for- 
tune favors  the  brave  "  was  again  made  good.  The  weather 
had  been  delightful  during  the  whole  week,  so  that  many  of 
the  soldiers  on  both  sides  were  in  summer  clothes.  But  on 
Saturday,  December  8th,  the  day  of  the  treaty,  there  was  one 
of  those  sudden  changes  for  which  Kansas  is  noted.  The 
wind  veered  to  the  north,  and  in  the  evening  a  tremendous 
sleet  storm  set  in — a  regular  Dakota  blizzard.  Though  Da- 
kota was  not  then  known,  her  blizzards  were  as  terriffic  as 
they  have  been  since.  The  cold  became  so  intense  that  the 
zeal  of  the  Missourians  was  cooled  off,  and  even  "Dutch 
courage"  was  found  to  be  a  poor  defense  against  ten  degrees 
below  zero.  The  blustering  braggarts  of  a  sunny  afternoon 
"  Now  folded  their  tents  like  the  Arabs," 


74  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

and  scud  for  home.  They  might  defy  the  governor's  procla- 
mation, but  when  the  north  wind  joined  with  the  governor, 
they  yielded  and  fell  into  line  for  the  home  march,  or  more 
properly  the  home  rush. 

Governor  Shannon  returned  to  Lawrence  after  peace  was 
assured  highly  pleased  with  the  outcome  of  affairs.  In  the 
evening  the  ladies  arranged  a  sort  of  banquet  in  his  honor. 
They  all  did  their  best  to  make  it  pleasant  for  the  governor. 
Although  it  was  Sunday  evening,  and  Lawrence  was  a  sort 
of  Puritan  town,  neither  the  stillness  of  the  Sabbath  nor  the 
austerity  of  Puritan  customs  characterized  the  banquet.  Dr. 
Robinson  and  a  large  portion  of  the  people  of  Lawrence  were 
teetotalers,  yet  there  is  a  tradition  that  tea  was  not  the  only 
drink  furnished.  At  all  events  the  governor  was  delighted, 
and  said  it  was  the  ''happiest  day  of  his  life."  Lawrence 
people  were  also  happy.  But  the  course  of  true  love  never 
did  run  smooth,  and  some  boulders  were  thrown  into  the 
course  of  this  current.  Right  in  the  midst  of  this  delightful 
"era  of  good  feeling"  a  report  was  brought  in  that  the  Mis- 
sourians,  instead  of  going  home  as  the  governor  had  ordered 
them,  were  marching  on  Lawrence  and  were  going  to  "wipe  it 
out."  The  thing  was  not  at  all  unlikely,  and  when  the  report 
came  to  the  governor's  ears  he  was  very  much  disturbed.  He 
knew  these  fellows  had  no  very  kind  feelings  towards  him. 
If  they  came  he  would  fare  no  better  than  the  hated  aboli- 
tionists. 

"What  shall  we  do  ?"  said  Robinson. 

"Call  out  your  men  and  defend  the  town  as  best  you  can." 

"But  the  charge  against  us  has  been  acting  without  au- 
thority, and  defying  the  law." 

"  I  will  give  you  authority,"  the  governor  said. 

He  at  once  wrote  out  the  following  paper: 

"  To  Charles  Robinson  and  J.  H.  Lane: 

"  You  are  hereby  authorized  and  directed  to  take  such  measures  and  use 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  75 

the  enrolled  forces  under  your  command  in  such  m.anner,  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  peace  and  property  of  the  people  of  Lawrence  and  vicinity,  as  in 

your  judgment  shall  best  secure  that  end. 

"(Signed)  Wilson  Shannon. 
"Lawrence,  December  9,  1855." 

The  foe  did  not  come.  It  was  a  very  common  feeling  that 
the  free-state  men  did  not  expect  him.  It  was  the  common 
opinion  that  the  report  came  from  another  room  in  the  hotel, 
and  was  intended  to  accomplish  just  what  it  did  accomplish. 
When  Governor  Shannon  learned  several  days  after  that  a 
hoax  had  been  perpetrated  on  him  for  the  sake  of  securing 
the  order  he  had  written  for  Robinson  and  Lane,  he  ''let  his 
angry  passions  rise,"  and  expressed  himself  in  some  vigorous 
English. 

Monday  evening,  December  loth,  there  was  a  grand  peace 
party  at  the  Free-State  Hotel.  Governor  Shannon  did  not 
remain,  but  a  number  of  the  invaders  were  there  as  invited 
guests,  and  among  them  Sheriff  Jones.  The  hotel  was  illum- 
inated, a  long  table  was  spread,  the  band  played,  and 
speeches  were  made  by  Robinson  and  Lane  and  many  others. 
The  festivities  continued  until  far  into  the  night.  The  next 
day,  Tuesday,  the  soldiers  were  dismissed  and  went  home 
rejoicing.  The  companies  from  a  distance  w^ere  cheered  by 
the  Lawrence  people  as  they  passed  out. 

The  only  casualty  of  the  siege  was  the  killing  of  Thomas 
W.  Barber.  Andreas,  in  his  history,  gives  an  account  of  this 
murder,  which  is  perhaps  as  near  the  truth  as  it  is  possible  to 
get: 

''Thomas  W.  Barber,  with  his  young  wife,  had  taken  a 
claim  just  north  of  the  Wakarusa,  seven  miles  above  Blanton's 
bridge,  about  eight  miles  southwest  of  Lawrence,  and  perhaps 
a  mile  on  the  road  between  the  Bloomington  settlement  and 
that  town.  He  had  gone  up  to  the  defense  with  the  rest  of 
the  Bloomington  free-state  men,  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  his 
wife,  who  had   strong  premonitions,  which   she   expressed   to 


76  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

him,  that  he  would  never  return  ahve.  On  Tuesday  noon, 
December  6th,  all  being  quiet,  but  the  town  being  still  in  a 
state  of  siege,  he  started  to  visit  his  wife,  in  company  with 
his  brother,  Robert,  and  his  brother-in-law,  Thomas  M.  Pear- 
son, both  members  of  the  same  company,  and  having  claims 
near  his.  His  companions  had  revolvers.  They  w^ere  all 
mounted,  and  had  ridden  some  three  miles  out  of  Lawrence 
when  they  discovered  a  party  of  horsemen,  numbering  ten  or 
twelve,  approaching  them  from  the  direction  of  Lecompton. 
It  afterwards  proved  to  be  a  party  from  the  camp  near  that 
place  on  their  way  to  the  Wakarusa  camp.  Two  of  the  party, 
George  W.  Clarke,  government  Indian  agent  for  the  Potta- 
watomie Indians,  and  James  Burnes,  known  as  Colofiel 
Burnes,  a  merchant  of  Westport,  Missouri,  left  the  main 
party,  rode  across  so  as  to  confront  them  in  their  road,  and 
ordered  them  to  halt.  Angry  words  were  bandied,  the  Bar- 
bers refused  to  turn  back  at  the  command  of  the  highwaymen, 
who  obstructed  their  way.  Pistols  w^ere  drawai  on  both  sides, 
and  shots  fired.  Thomas  Barber,  the  only  unarmed  man, 
received  a  shot  in  his  side.  He  rode  a  hundred  yards,  told 
his  brother,  with  a  faint,  sickly  smile,  that  'that  fellow  hit 
him.'  He  rode  sw^aying  in  his  saddle  supported  by  his  brother 
a  little  further,  then  slipped  off  in  the  dust,  and  died  a  little 
later  in  the  road.  His  brother  and  Pearson,  fearing  further 
violence,  fled,  leaving  the  body  in  the  highway.  The  credit 
of  the  murder  was  claimed  by  both  Clarke  and  Burnes. 
Neither  of  them  knew  which  fired  the  fatal  shot.  Clarke  said 
to  an  acquaintance  three  days  after,  '  I  tried  to  kill  him,  and 
if  it  was  not  me,  I  wish  it  had  been.'  History  will  rank  them 
as  a  brace  of  murderers,  it  matters  not  who  gave  the  coup  de 
grace. " 

When  the  body  of  Barber  was  brought .  to  Lawrence  the 
settlement  was  at  fever  heat.  Only  the  cool  counsel  of  Rob- 
inson and  other  leaders  prevented   the   armed  men  from  rush- 


TO    THIC    CLOSE    OK    THi:    R  IlISELLION,  77 

ing  out  and  attacking  the  invaders  in  their  camp  and  avenging 
the  murder  of  their  comrade.  The  body  of  Barber  lay  in  the 
hotel  the  next  day  when  Governor  Shannon  came  to  confer 
with  the  committee  of  safety.  He  was  much  moved  by  the 
sight,  and  it  had  much  to  do  with  his  eagerness  to  bring  about 
a  peaceful  settlement. 

The  funeral  of  Thomas  W.  Barber  was  one  of  the  closing 
features  of  the  campaign.  The  military  companies  attended 
and  the  scene  was  very  solemn  and  impressive.  Dr.  Robin- 
son pronounced  a  funeral  oration  which  is  interesting  as 
showing  the  temper  of  the  times.  The  oration  was  published 
later  in  the  Herald  of  Freedom.  The  following  extract  will 
show  the  tenor  of  the  speech: 

''By  whose  act  do  the  remains  of  the  lamented  Thomas 
Barber  now  aw^ait  interment  at  our  hands?  By  whose  hand 
is  his  wife  made  a  widow?  By  whose  instrumentality  are 
we  made  to  mourn  the  untimety  fall  of  a  brave  comrade  and 
a  worthy  citizen?  Report  says  Thomas  Barber  was  murdered 
in  cold  blood  b}^  an  officer,  an  officer  of  the  government,  who 
was  a  member  of  the  sheriff's  posse,  which  was  commissioned 
by  the  governor,  who  is  backed  by  the  president  of  the  United 
States.  Was  Thomas  Barber  murdered?  Then  are  the  men 
who  killed  him,  and  the  officials  by  whose  authority  they 
acted,  his  murderers.  And  if  the  laws  are  to  be  enforced, 
then  w^ill  the  Indian  agent,  the  governor,  and  the  president, 
be  convicted  and  punished  for  murder.  There  is  work  enough 
for  the  law  and  order  men  to  do,  and  let  us  hear  no  more 
about  resistance  to  the  laws,  until  this  work  is  done.  If  all 
Missouri  must  be  aroused,  and  the  whole  nation  convulsed  to 
serve  a  peace  warrant  on  an  unoffending  citizen,  may  we  not 
expect  some  slight  effort  to  bring  these  capital  offenders  to 
justice?  " 

No  effort  was  ever  made  to  bring  these  ''capital  offenders 
to  justice,"  and  they  not  only  remained  at  large,  but  boasted 
of  their  deed  as  something  to  be  proud  of. 


78  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

Another  incident  of  the  Wakarusa  war  is  alluded  to  by 
Prof.  L.  W.  Spring  in  one  of  the  most  eloquent  passages  of 
his  book.  Having  spoken  of  the  general  satisfaction  with 
which  the  treaty  of  peace  was  received,  he  quotes  an  excep- 
tion. 

''A  single  voice  was  raised  in  solemn  and  public  protest 
against  the  peace.  After  the  treaty  and  its  stipulations  had 
become  known;  after  the  speeches  of  felicitation  on  the  happy 
subsidence  of  troubles  which  threatened  to  engulf  the  settle- 
ment, had  been  made,  an  unknown  man — tall,  slender,  angu- 
lar; his  face  clean  shaved,  sombre,  strongly  lined,  of  Puritan 
tone  and  configuration;  his  blue-gray  eyes  honest,  inexorable; 
strange  unworldly  intensities  enveloping  him  like  an  atmos- 
phere— mounted  a  dry  goods  box  and  began  to  denounce  the 
treaty  as  an  attempt  to  gain  by  foolish  uncomprehending 
make-shift  what  could  be  compassed  only  by  shedding  of 
blood.  Since  that  day  the  name  of  this  unknown  man, 
plucked  down  from  the  dry  goods  box  with  his  speech  mostly 
unspoken,  has  filled  the  post  horns  of  the  world — Old  John 
Brow^n." 

This  was  the  first  appearance  of  old  John  Brown  among  the 
free-state  men  of  Kansas.  His  sons  had  come  to  Kansas  the 
year  before,  to  make  themselves  homes  in  the  new  country. 
They  were  so  annoyed  and  harrassed  by  marauders  from 
Missouri  that  they  wrote  to  their  father  for  arms  to  defend 
themselves.  The  old  man  had  been  for  years  a  foe  of  human 
slavery.  He  concluded  it  was  time  to  strike  a  blow  for  free- 
dom. So  he  came  out  to  Kansas  to  join  his  sons,  and  arrived 
some  wrecks  before  the  Wakarusa  invasion.  When  he  heard 
of  the  siege  of  Lawrence,  he  started  with  his  four  sons  for  the 
place  to  join  in  the  defense.  He  arrived  the  day  Governor 
Shannon  came  to  confer  in  regard  to  peace.  Pie  was  wel- 
comed and  put  in  command  of  a  company.  He  did  not  like 
the  treaty  of  peace.      He  thought  the  miscreants  should  have 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  79 

been  driven  away  by  bullets,  and  taught  a  lesson,  and  not 
parleyed  with.  But  the  people  were  too  glad  to  be  relieved 
from  the  strain  and  peril,  and  refused  to  listen  to  him. 

John  Brown  was  one  of  the  unique  characters  which  the 
Kansas  struggle  drew  out.  He  was  a  man  by  himself.  Very 
few  of  the  free-state  men  agreed  with  him  in  his  policy  or 
action.  Many  of  them  were  in  constant  fear  that  he  would 
precipitate  a  conflict  b}^  some  rash  deed.  He  came  to  Kansas 
because  he  hated  slavery,  and  his  hatred  of  it  was  as  a  fire 
to  his  bones.  He  had  a  further  thought  than  the  freeing  of 
Kansas.  As  he  said  to  Governor  Robinson  once,  ''he  wanted 
to  strike  a  blow  at  slavery."  A  little  incident  in  his  early  life 
may  throw  light  on  his  later  conduct.  In  1837  the  family 
lived  on  a  farm  in  the  Western  Reserve,  Ohio.  They  were 
members  of  the  village  church  near  by.  When  Elijah  P. 
Lovejoy  was  killed  at  Alton  by  a  pro-slavery  mob,  the  news 
reached  the  village  on  the  evening  of  the  week-day  prayer 
meeting.  The  members  of  the  church  all  being  intensely 
anti-slavery,  the  killing  of  Lovejoy  became  the  theme  of  the 
meeting.  John  Brown  and  his  father  were  present.  After 
the  meeting  had  proceeded  some  time,  the  elder  Brown 
arose  and  offered  a  marvelous  prayer.  He  seemed  to 
take  the  case  right  up  to  the  heavenly  court,  and  lay  it 
before  the  Righteous  Judge.  Everybody  was  electrified 
by  the  prayer.  At  its  conclusion  John  Brown  arose  and  made 
a  vow,  that  "he  would  devote  his  life  to  unceasing  hostility 
to  human  slavery."  One  is  reminded  of  the  boy  Hannibal, 
taken  by  his  father  into  the  Carthagenian  temple,  and  made 
to  swear  eternal  enmity  to  Rome.  Thirty  years  later  that 
vow  echoed  on  the  plains  of  Italy  in  the  tramp  of  conquering 
legions.  And  the  vow  of  this  young  man  in  the  village  church 
in  Ohio  echoed,  eighteen  years  later,  on  the  plains  of  Kansas, 
and  a  few  years  later  still  echoed  again  in  the  tramp  of  armies, 
who  sang; 

"  John  Brown's  body  lies  mouldering  in  the  grave 
While  his  soul  goes  marching  on." 


CHAPTER  VI. 

A  Hard  Winter. — Conflict  Takes  a  New  Form  in  the 
Spring. — The  Courts  Come  to  the  Rescue. — Judge 
Lecompte's  Charge. — The  Grand  Jury's  Indictment. — 
High  Treason. — The  Sacking  of  Lawrence. — Burning 
of  the  Free-State  Hotel  and  Printing  Offices. 

The  year  1855  had  been  a  year  of  much  progress  in 
Lawrence.  Immigration  flow^ed  in  continually,  and  many 
improvements  were  made.  The  hay  tent  seems  to  have  dis- 
appeared, and  the  shake  shanty  and  the  log  cabin  took  its 
place.  There  were  even  a  few  fairly  built  frame  houses 
erected,  and  some  of  stone  or  "concrete,"  as  it  was  called. 
The  people  were  more  comfortably  housed  than  they  were 
the  year  before.  Still  there  was  a  good  deal  of  exposure  and 
a  good  deal  of  suffering,  as  many  new-comers  were  but  very 
inadequately  sheltered.  Most  of  the  business  houses  were 
temporary  affairs  made  to  serve  the  occasion.  The  most  sub- 
stantial improvement  was  the  building  of  the  Free-State  Hotel 
on  the  site  of  the  present  Eldridge  House.  It  was  built  by 
the  Emigrant  Aid  Company  at  a  cost  of  about  $20,000.  It 
was  fifty  feet  front  and  seventy  feet  deep,  three  stories  high, 
with  a  basement  story.  It  was  of  stone  and  quite  solidly 
built.  It  was  begun  in  the  spring  of  1855,  but  not  completed 
until  the  following  spring.  The  roof  was  on  at  the  time  of  the 
Wakarusa  war,  and  it  furnished  an  excellent  shelter  for  the 
troops  and  headquarters  for  the  leaders.  It  rendered  import- 
ant service  even  in  its  unfinished  condition. 

Three  churches  were  formed  during  this  year,  1855.  In 
the  spring  of  that  year  Rev.  Ephriam  Nute  was  sent  out  by 
the  American  Unitarian  Association,  and  commenced  holding 
services  in  the  open  air.  About  the  same  time  Mr.  E.  B. 
Whitman,  a    man   who  had   been    prominent    in    educational 


WILSON    SHANNON, 

Territoiial  Governor  ■5r)-5(i 


CHARLES    ROBINSON, 

IMrst  Gioveriioi'  of  Kansas. 


C.    W.    BABCOCK.  SOLON    O.    THACHER, 

President  Teritorial  Council.  Tern.  Cliairman  Constitutional  Convention 

MEN  WHO  MADE  KANSAS  HISTORY. 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  Si 

affairs  in  Massachusetts,  came  to  Lawrence  and  joined  with 
Mr.  Nute  in  the  work  of  developing  a  Unitarian  Church. 
They  took  steps  towards  securing  a  house  of  worship,  but  the 
troubles  of  the  summer  prevented  their  doing  much  at  that 
time.  Mr.  Nute  was  quite  prominent  in  public  affairs.  He 
was  a  man  of  fine  address,  great  energy,  and  was  perfectly 
fearless  in  speech  and  conduct.  His  spirited  letters  to  eastern 
papers  did  much  to  increase  the  public  interest  in  the  Kansas- 
question. 

The  Methodists  commenced  services  in  Lawrence  late  in 
the  fall  of  1854,  and  a  class  was  formed  in  the  following 
spring.  But  the  class  became  scattered  and  soon  disbanded. 
During  the  summer,  however,  Rev.  L.  B.  Dennis  succeeded 
in  making  a  .permanent  organization.  They  held  their  ser- 
vices in  the  open  air  under  one  of  the  trees  in  Central  Park. 
Here  the  church  was  'formed,  and  here  they  continued  to 
worship  during  the  summer.  Later  in  the  season  they  secured 
a  room  in  the  "Union  House,"  and  the  following  summer 
they  worshiped  again  in  a  tent. 

The  Baptist  Church  was  formed  June  25th,  1855,  and 
included  the  following  persons:  J.  S.  Emery,  M.  M.  Ham- 
mond, S.  Jones,  Rebecca  W.  W.  Jones,  W.  F.  Herrick, 
Lydia  A.  Herrick,  Elizabeth  Parks.  They  worshiped  in  the 
private  homes  of  the  members  for  several  months,  and  then 
in  more  public  rooms  and  halls  as  they  could  secure  them. 

The  times,  however,  were  not  favorable  for  church  work  or 
church  growth.  The  disturbances  kept  the  minds  of  the  peo- 
ple in  a  continual  ferment  all  summer,  and  little  else  was 
thought  of  beyond  the  public  defense.  All  the  religious 
services  were  compelled  to  adapt  themselves  to  the  exigencies 
of  the  times.  They  were  held  here  and  there  as  was  found 
possible,  and  sometimes  they  were  entirely  suspended  for 
weeks  together.  It  was  no  unusual  thing  for  church  services 
to  be  interrupted  by  a  call  for  the  men  to  rally  for  the  defense 


82  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

of  the  town.  At  other  times  the  women  and  children  only 
met,  the  men  being  away  on  duty.  One  of  the  pastors  of  this 
period  writes:  ''All  the  public  buildings  are  turned  into 
barracks,  the  preaching  hall  with  the  rest,  and  nothing  is 
thought  of  but  the  best  means  of  defense." 

The  same  happened  in  regard  to  the  schools.  The  people 
were  determined  to  have  a  free  school  whenever  possible. 
Mr.  E.  P.  Fitch  opened  a  school  in  January  of  this  year, 
1855,  and  Miss  Kate  Kellogg  opened  a  school  in  June  and 
continued  three  months.  But  the  disturbances  so  thickened 
later  on  that  no  further  effort  was  made  in  this  line  until  the 
following  year. 

There  had  been  much  more  progress  in  the  unifying  of  the 
community  than  in  the  enlarging  of  it.  They  were  all  inspired 
by  a  common  purpose,  and  they  were  all  confronted  by  com- 
mon danger.  These  two  causes  drove  the  community  together 
in  a  peculiar  way.  They  felt  the  need  of  each  other's  sym- 
pathy in  a  way  that  created  a  peculiar  bond,  and  the  compan- 
ions of  those  trying  times  ever  after  had  a  strong  interest  in 
each  other.  They  knew  each  other  better  than  citizens  of 
older  communities  after  years  of  association.  They  were  so 
dependent  on  each  other,  both  for  protection  and  friendship, 
that  the  common  jealousies  and  cliques  and  classes  that  usu- 
ally play  so  large  a  part,  had  little  chance  to  develop.  In  a 
very  peculiar  way  and  in  a  very  unusual  degree  they  were  a 
unit,  understanding  each  other  and  helping  each  other. 
Their  attitude  towards  the  territorial  laws  made  them  unusu- 
ally considerate  of  one  another.  They  did  not  recognize  the 
territorial  laws,  and  so  could  not  appeal  to  the  territorial 
courts.  They  had  to  settle  their  differences  among  them- 
selves. This  made  them  very  careful  to  avoid  differences  and 
disputes.      It  put  them  all  "under  bonds  to  keep  the  peace." 

Another  peculiaritv  of  this  time  was  the  identity  of  interest 
in  town  and  country.      As   far   as   community   of  feeling  was 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  83 

concerned,  the  country  about  Lawrence  for  fifteen  miles  was 
simply  an  extension  of  Lawrence  itself.  They  had  all  come 
for  one  purpose,  and  they  all  had  one  cause.  Their  attach- 
ment to  the  common  cause  was  stronger  than  any  local  attach- 
ment. They  were  all  one  community,  and  whether  they 
happened  to  live  inside  the  limits  or  outside  made  little  dif- 
ference. They  had  come  to  make  Kansas  a  free  state:  that 
was  the  common  bond.  Where  they  should  live  was  a  sec- 
ondary consideration.  Some  of  them  remained  in  town,  and 
others  went  out  into  the  country;  but  they  were  none  the  less 
one  people,  with  one  chief  purpose.  As  far  as  interest  and 
loyalty  was  concerned,  Lawrence  had  just  as  good  citizens 
ten  miles  out  as  in  the  center  of  town.  They  were  all  one 
compact  people.  To  the  westward,  for  example,  the  Barbers, 
Thomas  Pierson,  Captain  Walker,  Charles  W.  Smith,  and 
many  others,  were  just  as  loyal  to  Lawrence  and  just  as  ready 
to  rall}^  to  her  defense  as  if  they  lived  within  the  limits.  To 
the  east  and  south  it  was  the  same  way.  Major  J.  B.  Abbott, 
a  man  of  rare  courage  and  coolness,  lived  beyond  the  Waka- 
rusa.  He  was  born  a  leader,  and  did  a  great  deal  of  valliant 
service.  He  was  a  sort  of  outpost  to  Lawrence.  They 
began  to  touch  Lawrence  when  they  came  to  where  he  lived, 
and  were  very  apt  to  feel  something  of  the  force  of  Lawrence 
as  well.  Then  still  further  out  there  was  Thadeus  Prentice, 
an  original  character,  who  in  appearance  might  be  considered 
a  companion  piece  to  Jim  Lane.  He  had  a  rare  faculty  of 
getting  news.  If  any  mischief  was  brewing  in  his  direction, 
he  would  somehow  get  wind  of  it  by  a  sort  of  instinct,  by  a 
sort  of  sixth  sense.  Whenever  he  felt  that  there  was  some- 
thing in  the  air  of  this  kind,  he  would  mount  his  horse  and 
ride  into  Lawrence.  Whenever  the  people  saw  the  tall,, 
gaunt  figure  of  ''Thad.  Prentice"  coming  down  the  street, 
they  knew  that  it  was  "tidings,  my  Lord,  tidings."  He 
always  came  in  with  a  smile,  greeting  his  friends  on  the  street 


84  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

as  he  passed.  He  had  many  quaint  expressions  which  came 
to  seem  like  a  part  of  him.  If  everything  was  favorable  he 
would  reply  to  the  questions  asked  him,  ''Oh,  everything  is 
lovely  and  the  goose  hangs  high."  These  are  but  a  few  of 
those  who,  all  around  Lawrence,  were  just  as  much  interested 
in  her  defense  as  those  who  lived  within  the  town  limits. 

Up  to  December  8th  the  winter  had  been  very  mild.  On 
the  evening  of  that  day  a  cold  rain  set  in,  which  soon  changed 
to  sleet  and  snow.  From  that  on  the  winter  was  very  severe, 
said  by  some  to  be  the  severest  ever  known  in  the  history  of 
Kansas.  The  settlers  were  poorly  prepared  to  face  such  a 
wmter.  The  previous  winter  had  been  so  mild  that  the  need 
ot  protection  against  cold  was  not  understood.  The  houses 
were  open  and  exposed.  Log  cabins  poorly  chinked  and 
shake  shanties  with  gaping  sides  w^ere  a  poor  defense  against 
a  genuine  northwester.  The  wind  found  its  way  through 
openings  in  the  sides,  and  the  snow  sifted  through  the  loosely 
constructed  roof.  It  was  no  unusual  thing  to  find  six  inches 
of  snow  on  the  floor  in  the  morning.  One  lady  said  that 
water  often  froze  upon  her  shawl  as  she  stood  over  a  hot 
stove  cooking  breakfast.  Colonel  Sam  Walker  says  in  a  letter 
"that  they  often  had  to  go  to  bed  to  keep  from  freezing." 
The  severity  of  the  winter  had  one  favorable  effect.  It  put 
a  stop  to  all  military  movements,  and  if  the  people  were  cold 
they  were  quiet.  They  did  not  have  to  stand  guard  by  night, 
nor  march  against  the  foe  by  day.  They  did  not  have  much, 
but  they  were  not  in  constant  fear  of  having  what  little  they 
had  stolen. 

A  letter  written  by  Captain  Sam.  Walker  during  this  winter 
may  be  taken  as  illustrating  the  common  condition: 

''I  failed  to  complete  my  log  house  before  the  v/inter  of 
1855-56  set  in.  The  sides  were  up,  roofed,  and  partly  plas- 
tered when  the  Wakarusa  war  interrupted  work.  On  my 
return   home,    on   the   conclusion   of   p^ace,  the    cold  was    so 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  85 

severe  that  nothing  more  could  be  done,  and  we  had  to  shift 
the  best  we  could  till  warmer  weather.  Our  cabin  had  no 
floor,  but  we  were  as  well  off  in  this  particular  as  most  of  our 
neighbors.  Chinks  and  fissures  abounded  in  roof  and  gable, 
as  the  green  slabs  with  which  they  were  covered  warped 
badly.  Seven  of  us  made  up  the  family,  five  children  mostly 
small.  At  times  when  the  winds  were  bleakest  we  actually 
went  to  bed  as  the  only  escape  from  freezing.  More  than 
once  we  woke  in  the  morning  to  find  s-ix  inches  of  snow  in  the 
cabin.  To  get  up  and  make  one's  toilet  under  such  circum- 
stances was  not  a  very  comfortable  performance.  The  wolf 
was  never  very  far  from  our  door  during  that  hard  winter  of 
1855-56." 

Though  the  settlers  were  not  molested  during  this  severe 
weather,  they  knew  the  quiet  was  only  temporary.  The 
opening  of  spring  would  bring  a  renewal  of  hostilities.  The 
hordes  that  had  left  Franklin  so  sullenly  did  not  propose  to 
drop  the  controvers}^  They  saw  they  had  made  a  mistake, 
and  the  free-state  men  had  profited  by  it.  Next  time  they 
would  plan  more  wisely.  They  would  not  be  caught  in  court 
again  without  a  case.  All  over  Missouri  and  the  south 
preparations  were  going  on  to  push  the  controversy  to  a 
successful  issue  for  slavery.  The  shrewdest  men  in  the  land 
were  planning  together  for  the  summer  campaign.  The 
general  idea  was  to  make  it  so  uncomfortable  for  the  free- 
state  men  that  they  would  flee  the  country,  and  so  that  others 
would  not  come. 

The  line  of  attack  was  not  hard  to  determine.  The  free- 
state  men  occupied  a  position  that  was  difficult  to  maintain. 
They  knew  that  the  Shawnee  legislature  had  been  elected  by 
Missouri  votes.  They  pronounced  its  enactments  an  imposi- 
tion and  a  fraud.  They  determined  to  ignore  them  and  as  far 
as  possible  to  nullif}^  them  or  destroy  their  effect.  The  laws 
were  of  the  most  extreme  pro-slavery  type.      They  not  only 


86  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

protected  slave  property,  but  punished  all  acts  and  expressions 
against  slavery  with  great  severity.  They  could  not  even 
discuss  the  subject  without  becoming  liable  to  criminal  prose- 
cution. Their  only  course  was  to  ignore  these  laws  and 
practically  nullify  them.  Then  nobody  would  dare  to  bring 
any  slaves  into  Kansas.  If  there  were  no  slaves  in  Kansas, 
slavery  would  not  really  exist,  even  though  the  laws  did 
recognize  it.  In  two  years  there  would  be  another  election, 
and  by  that  time  the  free-state  men  felt  they  would  be  strong 
enough  to  take  possession  of  all  the  machinery  of  government 
and  shape  the  laws  to  suit  themselves.  If  they  could  only 
keep  things  as  they  were  till  the  next  election,  immigration 
from  the  north  would  do  the  rest. 

The  pro-slavery  people,  on  the  other  hand,  strove  to  force 
an  immediate  issue.  They  laid  their  plans  to  compel  the 
free-state  men  to  recognize  the  bogus  laws,  or  else  resist  the 
officials  charged  with  their  enforcement.  The  problem  of  the 
free-state  men  was  to  ignore  the  bogus  laws  and  yet  avoid  a 
collision.  They  might  suffer  violence,  but  as  far  as  possible 
they  were  to  avoid  doing  violence.  Above  all  they  were  to 
avoid  any  collision  with  the  authority  of  the  United  States. 

Another  element  entered  into  the  problem  which  must  be 
mentioned  that  the  whole  situation  may  be  understood.  That 
element  grew  out  of  what  has  been  referred  to  as  the  "Topeka 
movement."  The  free-state  policy  had  its  negative  side  in 
the  rejection  of  the  bogus  laws.  It  had  its  positive  side  in 
the  adoption  of  the  Topeka  constitution.  During  the  autumn 
of  1855  the  free-state  people  held  a  constitutional  convention 
at  Topeka  which  framed  a  state  constitution.  They  then  sent 
it  to  congress  and  asked  to  be  received  into  the  union  as  a 
state.  The  house  of  representatives  passed  the  bill  admitting 
Kansas  as  a  state,  but  the  senate  rejected  it.  Thus  thejiiove- 
ment  failed  in  congress,  but  it  was  kept  alive  in  Kansas  as  a 
rallying  point  of  defense.      An  election  was  held  in  January 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION,  87 

for  state  officers,  and  Dr.  Robinson  was  elected  governor. 
The  legislature  then  chosen  met  in  March  and  organized,  and 
Governor  Robinson  sent  in  his  message.  No  attempt  was 
made,  however,  to  put  the  state  government  into  operation. 
But  the  thought  was  to  do  this  if  the  situation  became  intol- 
erable. The  occasion  never  came  and  the  Topeka  government 
and  constitution  never  went  into  effect. 

As  spring  opened  the  policy  of  the  pro-slavery  men  began 
to  manifest  itself.  It  was  a  deeply  laid,  shrewd  scheme.  It 
went  on  the  assumption  that  the  attitude  of  the  free-state  men 
toward  the  bogus  laws  was  rebellion,  and  that  the  actors  in 
the  Topeka  free-state  movement  were  guilty  of  treason.  They 
proposed  to  have  the  free-state  leaders  indicted  for  high 
crimes,  and  either  have  them  arrested  or  compelled  to  flee 
from  the  territory.  This  will  give  a  general  clue  to  the  new 
line  of  attack,  and  will  show  the  animus  and  purpose  of  the 
violent  proceedings  which  followed. 

One  of  the  difficulties  of  such  a  position  as  the  free-state 
men  were  trying  to  maintain  is  that  somebody  is  liable  to  go 
beyond  the  bounds:  defined  by  those  who  marked  out  the 
policy,  and  commit  some  deed  which  is  abhorrent  to  them  all, 
and  which  compromises  them  all.  This  happened  several 
times  during  the  Kansas  struggle,  and  made  that  struggle 
much  more  severe  and  embarrassing.  Such  a  thing  happened 
just  at  the  juncture  of  which  we  are  speaking.  The  free-state 
men  often  had  occasion  to  pray,  ''Save  us  from  our  friends." 
April  1 8th  Sheriff  Jones  came  into  Lawrence  to  arrest  some 
of  the  Branson  rescuers.  He  did  not  succeed,  and  appeared 
again  the  next  day  and  tried  to  arrest  Samuel  F.  Tappan,  but 
Tappan  struck  him  in  the  face  and  escaped.  This  was  as 
good  a  thing  as  Jones  wanted.  He  now  applied  for  a  posse, 
and  the  governor  gave  him  an  officer  and  ten  soldiers.  April 
23rd  he  appeared  in  town  thus  supported  and  arrested  a 
number    of    citizens    on    various    charges,    most   of   them    for 


A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 


'^  contempt  of  court"  in  not  assisting  him  to  make  arrests  on 
his  previous  visits.  He  was  particularly  offensive  and  inso- 
lent, and  remained  in  towm  over  night.  While  he  was  in  the 
tent  of  his  military  posse,  someone  in  the  darkness  outside 
shot  him  and  wounded  him.  The  man  who  fired  the  shot 
disappeared,  but  the  citizens  disavowed  the  act  and  offered 
five  hundred  dollars  reward  for  the  arrest  of  the  assassin. 
Still  they  were  held  responsible  for  the  crime,  and  it  was 
used  with  great  effect  in  stirring  the  passions  of  the  pro- 
slavery  people.  It  has  never  been  known  how  severe  a 
wound  Jones  received.  He  was  reported  in  the  pro-slavery 
papers  as  '-'foully  murdered,"  ''mortally  wounded,"  "struck 
down  in  the  night."  As  he  was  able  to  lead  in  the  sacking  of 
Lawrence  less  than  a  month  after,  his  wound  could  not  have 
been  so  very  severe.  But  the  affair  was  very  unfortunate,  as 
it  added  to  the  flame  and  placed  the  free-state  men  in  a  very 
awkward  position. 

The  pro-slavery  people  brought  to  their  aid  the  powerful 
influence  of  the  judiciary  of  the  territory.  They  had  the 
forms  of  law,  and  they  proposed  to  use  them  for  all  they 
were  worth.  The  grand  jury  of  Douglas  county  met  at  Le- 
compton  early  in  May.  Samuel  D.  Lecompte  gave  a  charge 
which  foreshadowed  the  new  line  of  attack.  He  defined 
treason  so  as  to  point  very  plainly  to  the  leaders  of  the  free- 
state  party.      Among  other  things  he  said: 

"This  territory  was  organized  by  an  act  of  congress,  and  so 
far  its  authority  is  from  the  United  States.  It  has  a  legisla- 
ture elected  in  pursuance  of  that  organic  act.  This  legisla- 
ture being  an  instrument  of  congress  by  which  it  governs  the 
territory,  has  passed  laws.  Those  laws,  therefore,  are  of 
United  States  authority  and  making,  and  all  who  resist  those 
laws  resist  the  power  and  authority  of  the  United  States,  and 
are  therefore  guilty  of  high  treason.  Now,  gentlemen,  if  you 
find  that  any  persons  have  resisted  these  laws,  then  you  must, 


i  ^ 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  89 

under  your  oath,  find  bills  against  them  for  high  t^^eason.  If 
you  find  that  no  such  resistance  has  been  made,  but  that 
combinations  have  been  formed  for  the  purpose  of  resisting 
them,  and  individuals  of  notoriety  have  been  aiding  and  abet- 
ting in  such  combinations,  then  must  you  find  bills  for  con- 
structive treason.'''' 

The  mill  having  been  set  up  by  the  chief  justice,  the  grand 
jury  began  to  grind  out  its  grist  of  indictments.  The  first 
victim  was  ex-Governor  Reeder.  He  was  summoned  before 
the  grand  jury,  but  he  refused  to  obey  the  summons,  as  he 
was  then  attending  the  sessions  of  the  congressional  investi- 
gating committee,  which  was  sitting  in  Lawrence.  Deputy 
Marshal  Fain  then  came  to  him  vvith  an  order  for  his  arrest 
for  contempt  of  court.  Reeder  refused  to  be  arrested,  and 
told  the  marshal  to  touch  him  at  his  peril.  This  only  made 
matters  worse,  as  he  would  now  be  indicted  for  resisting  an 
officer.  He  soon  saw  there  was  no  escape  except  in  flight. 
He  fled  in  disguise  to  Kansas  City,  where  he  was  concealed 
for  several  days  in  a  friendly  hotel.  He  was  taken  on  board 
a  steamboat  going  down  the  river.  Going  to  a  wooding  sta- 
tion, below  Kansas  City,  he  jumped  aboard  disguised  as  a 
wood  chopper.  The  captain  of  the  boat  of  course  was  in  the 
secret.  He  thus  passed  down  the  Missouri  river  and  escaped 
safely  into  the  free  states.  In  the  rooms  of  the  State  Histor- 
ical Society  at  Topeka  is  a  painting  of  Governor  Reeder  as  he 
appeared  in  disguise.  He  is  dressed  as  an  Irish  laborer,  with 
a  stick  in  his  hand,  an  old  clay  pipe  in  his  mouth,  and  an  ax 
on  his  shoulder  on  which  is  suspended  his  ''luggage"  tied  up 
in  a  handkerchief.  It  would  be  an  expert  detective  who 
would  suspect  that  this  curious  outfit  was  taking  the  distin- 
guished ex-governor  of  Kansas  out  of  the  territory. 

The  plan  of  the  grand  jury  was  to  proceed  rapidly  against 
all  of  the  free-state  leaders — Robinson,  Lane,  Wood,  Brown, 
Jenkins,    and    others — and    have    them   indicted   for   treason 


go  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

These  men  would  either  have  to  leave  the  country  or  be 
arrested  and  held  as  prisoners.  Either  result  would  tend  to 
demoralize  the  free-state  men.  The  jury  conducted  their 
business  in  secret,  and  did  not  intend  to  have  their  plan  made 
public  till  they  were  ready  to  execute  it.  But  one  of  the 
jurymen,  who  had  a  warm  side  towards  some  of  the  free-state 
men,  warned  them  of  their  danger.  All  the  men  connected 
with  the  defense  of  Lawrence,  and  all  those  connected  with 
the  Topeka  state  government  were  to  be  indicted.  Congress- 
men Howard  and  Sherman,  of  the  congressional  committee, 
and  Governor  Robinson  and  others  held  a  council  that  night 
to  decide  upon  a  line  of  action.  It  was  decided,  among  other 
things,  that  Robinson  should  go  east  at  once  to  lay  the  situa- 
tion before  the  governors  and  people  of  eastern  states,  and 
also  to  be  out  of  the  way  when  the  indictments  were  to  be 
served.  He  and  Mrs.  Robinson  as  soon  as  possible  took  a 
boat  at  Kansas  City  and  proceeded  eastward.  When  they 
reached  Lexington,  Missouri,  a  company  of  men  came  on 
board,  pounded  at  his  stateroom  door,  and  told  him  he  must 
leave  the  boat  and  come  ashore.  He  asked  them  why  he 
must  be  detained,  and  they  replied,  that  they  understood  that 
he  was  a  fugitive  from  justice.  He  told  them  there  was  no 
indictment  against  him  and  he  had  a  right  to  do  as  he  pleased. 
But  his  w^ords  availed  nothing.  They  were  determined  to 
take  him.  The  arrest  was  entirely  arbitrary.  They  had  no 
authority  whatever,  but  they  had  received  word  from  Kansas 
to  hold  him  at  all  hazzards,  until  the  in  dictment  couldbe  made 
out  and  the  proper  papers  sent  on.  Mrs.  Robinson  was 
allowed  to  go  on  her  journe}^,  taking  with  her  the  papers  and 
testimony  they  were  bearing  to  eastern  friends.  They  held 
the  governor  thus  for  nearly  a  week  before  the  papers  for  his 
arrest  were  received.  He  was  then  taken  back  to  Kansas. 
At  Leavenworth  a  pro-slavery  mob  threatened  to  hang  him, 
but  were  prevented  from  carrying  out  their  purpose.      He  was 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  QI 

then  taken  to  Lecompton,  where  he  and  other  free-state  men 
were  kept  in  a  prison  camp  for  several  months.  Among  those 
prisoners  under  charge  of  high  treason  were  such  men  as 
Charles  Robinson,  George  W.  Deitzler,  G.  W.  Brown,  Gains 
Jenkins.  Lane  and  Sam  Wood  w^ere  indicted  but  were  out  of 
reach.  No  attempt  seems  to  have  been  made  to  arrest  old 
John  Brown.  He  was  probably  omitted  because  he  was  not 
a  comfortable  man  to  handle. 

This  wonderful  grand  jury  distinguished  itself  in  another 
line.  It  first  indicted  all  the  free-state  leaders — some  for 
things  they  had  done,  and  some  for  things  it  was  supposed 
they  intended  to  do.  But  they  were  not  content  with  search- 
ing the  thoughts  and  interests  of  the  heart.  They  turned 
their  attention  to  subjects  where  there  was  no  heart  to  search. 
They  seemed  to  have  discovered  what  some  writer  calls  ''the 
total  depravity  of  inanimate  things."  In  accordance  with 
this  principle  they  made  the  following  presentment  which  is 
certainly  original  in  the  doings  of  courts: 

"  The  grand  jury,  setting  for  the  adjourned  term  of  the  first  district  court 
in  and  for  the  county  of  Douglas,  in  the  territory  of  Kansas,  beg  leave  to 
report  to  the  honorable  court,  that,  from  evidence  before  them  showing  the 
Herald  of  Freedom,  published  at  the  town  of  Lawrence,  has  from  time  to 
time  issued  publications  of  the  most  inflammatory  and  sedicious  character, 
denying  the  legality  of  the  territorial  authorities,  advising  and  demanding 
forcible  resistance  to  the  same,  demoralizing  the  public  mind,  and  rendering 
life  and  property  unsafe,  even  to  the  extent  of  advising  assassination  as  a 
last  resort. 

"Also  that  the  paper  known  as  the  Free  State  has  been  similarly  engaged, 
and  has  recently  reported  the  resolutions  of  a  public  meeting  in  Johnson 
county,  in  this  territory,  in  which  resistance  to  the  territorial  laws  even  unto 
blood  has  been  agreed  upon,  and  that  we  respectfully  recommend  their 
abatement  as  a  nuisance. 

"  Also  that  we  are  satisfied  that  the  building  known  as  the  Free-State 
Hotel  in  Lawrence  has  been  constructed  with  a  view  to  military  occupation 
and  defense,  and  regularly  parapetted  and  port-holed  for  the  use  of  cannon 
and  small  arms,  and  could  only  be  designed  as  a  stronghold  for  resistance 
to  law,  thereby  endangering  the  public  safety  and  encouraging  rebellion  and 


92  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

sedition  to  the  country;  and  we  respectfully  recommend  that  steps  be  taken 
whereby  this  nuisance  may  be  removed. 

"Owen  Stewart,  Fo}-e77ian" 

The  Free-tSate  Hotel  mentioned  in  this  presentment  had 
just  been  completed  and  furnished.  It  had  been  erected  by 
the  Emigrant  Aid  Company,  and  was  probably  the  best 
building  in  the  territory.  It  was  certainly  the  best  equipped 
hotel.  There  was  nothing  about  it  of  a  military  character, 
unless  its  strong  stone  walls  could  be  so  considered.  There 
was  a  motive  in  the  indictment  but  it  does  not  appear  in  the 
wording  of  it.  The  great  lack  of  Lawrence  had  been  a  good 
hotel.  People  were  hindered  from  coming  to  Kansas  because 
they  could  not  be  comfortably  cared  for  when  they  got  here. 
Now  they  could  tell  the  comfort-loving  emigrant  that  Lawrence 
had  as  good  a  hotel  as  he  would  find  in  St.  Louis.  He 
could  find  a  roof  and  a  room  the  day  he  arrived,  and  need  not 
live  out  of  doors  till  he  could  build  a  cabin.  It  w^as  bound 
to  prove  an  effective  element  in  drawing  free-state  men  to 
Kansas,  and  the  whole  question  was  one  of  immigration.  The 
policy  of  the  pro-slavery  men  was  to  keep  away  free-state  set- 
tlers. To  destroy  this  hotel  w^as  to  remove  a  powerful  attrac- 
tion. All  these  disturbances  had  largely  the  same  motive. 
They  would  keep  the  country  in  such  a  state  of  confusion  and 
terror  that  settlers  would  be  kept  away. 

The  novelty  of  the  proceedings  becomes  more  manifest 
when  we  remember  that  the  sheriff  took  the  indictment  of  the 
grand  jury  for  an  order  of  the  court.  The  legal  process  never 
went  any  further.  There  was  no  citation,  and  no  trial  and  no 
sentence.  These  were  trifles  w^ith  which  these  high-minded 
men  could  not  be  troubled.  They  could  not  wait  for  formali- 
ties. The  king's  business  demanded  haste.  The  execution 
was  the  chief  thing,  and  the  execution  anticipated  all  trial  and 
all  evidence.  Lawrence,  that  foul  nest  of  abolitionists,  must 
be  humiliated,  and  her  free-spoken  newspapers  must  be 
destroyed. 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION. 


93 


On  the  eleventh  day  of  May,  the  United  States  marshal 
issued  his  proclamation.  He  stated  that  an  attempt  had  been 
made  to  execute   writs   by  the    United  States  deputy  marshal, 

"  Who  was  evidently  resisted  by  a  large  number  of  the  citizens  of  Law- 
rence, and  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  an  attempt  to  execute  these 
writs  will  be  resisted  by  a  large  body  of  armed  men;  now,  therefore,  the 
law  abiding  citizens  of  the  territory  are  commanded  to  be  and  appear  at 
Lecompton,  as  soon  as  practicable,  and  in  numbers  sufficient  for  the  execu- 
tion of  the  law. 

"I.  B.  Donaldson, 

''United  Slates  Marshal  for  Ka7isas  7'erritory  ^ 
The  proclamation  was  posted  in  a  few  pro-slavery  towns, 
and  in  Missouri.  The  response  was  so  prompt  that  armed 
men  began  to  gather  before  the  free-state  men  had  become 
aware  of  the  proclamation.  They  saw  at  once  what  the  thing 
meant.  It  was  a  plot  to  humiliate,  or  destroy  Lawrence. 
The  plan  had  been  more  carefully  laid  than  in  the  Wakarusa 
war.  The  United  States  court  had  issued  the  order,  and  a 
United  States  marshal  was  to  execute  it.  The  people  of 
Lawrence  must  tamely  submit,  or  resist  United  States  author- 
ity. They  saw  at*  once  the  seriousness  of  the  situation,  and 
bestirred  themselves  to  avert  the  blow.  The  citizens  held  a 
meeting  on  the  tenth  of  May  and  passed  resolutions  appealing 
to  Governor  Shannon  to  protect  them  from  this  army  from 
another  state.  The  governor  replied  that  ''there  was  no 
force  around  or  approaching  Lawrence,  except  the  legally 
constituted  posse  of  the  United  States  marshal,  and  the  sheriff 
of  Douglas  county,  each  of  w^hom,  I  am  informed,  has  a  number 
of  writs  in  their  hands  for  execution  against  persons  in  Law^- 
rence.  I  can  in  no  way  interfere  with  either  of  these  officers 
in  the  discharge  of  their  official  duties. 

"If  the  citizens  of  Lawrence  submit  themselves  to  the 
territoritorial  laws,  and  aid  and  assist  the  marshal  and  sheriff 
in  the  execution  of  processes  in  their  hands,  as  all  good  citi- 
zens are  bound  to  do  when  called  upon,  they,  or  all  such,  will 


94  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

entitle  themselves  to  the  protection  of  the  law.  But  so  long 
as  the}^  keep  up  a  military  or  armed  organization  to  resist  the 
territorial  laws,  and  the  officers  charged  with  their  execution, 
I  shall  not  interfere  to  save  them  from  the  legitimate  conse- 
quences of  their  illegal  acts." 

There  was  not  much  comfort  in  this  letter  and  no  hope  of 
help  from  the  governor.  Another  meeting  was  called  of 
which  Colonel  Phillips  in  his  Conquest  of  Kansas  gives  a 
report. 

"The  harsh  partisan  letter  of  the  governor  could  not  be 
regarded  as  anything  short  of  a  declaration  of  war.  As  the 
people  of  Lawrence  were  anxious  to  avert  trouble,  a  meeting 
was  held  and  the  following  action  taken: 

"  '  Whereas,  By  proclamation  to  the  people  of  Kansas  territory,  by  I.  B. 
Donaldson,  United  States  marshal  for  said  territory,  issued  on  the  nth  of 
May,  1856,  it  is  asserted  that  certain  judicial  writs  of  arrest  have  been 
directed  to  him  by  the  First  District  Court  of  the  United  States,  to  be 
executed  within  the  county  of  Douglas,  and  that  an  attempt  to  execute  them 
by  the  deputy  marshal  was  violently  resisted  by  a  large  number  of  the 
citizens  of  Lawrence,  and  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  any  attempt 
to  execute  them  will  be  resisted  by  a  large  body  of  armed  men,  therefore, 

"  'Resolved,  By   this  public   meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Lawrence,  held 

this   13th   day  of  May,  1856,  that   the  allegations  and  charges  against  us, 

contained  in   the  aforesaid  proclamation,  are   wholly  untrue  in  fact,  and  in 

the  conclusion  drawn  from  them.     The  aforesaid  marshal  was  resisted  in  no 

wise    whatever,   nor  by   any   person   whatever  in     the    execution   of    said 

writs,  except   by   him  whose  arrest  the  said  deputy  marshal  was  seeking  to 

make;  and  that  we  now,  as  we  have  done  heretofore,  declare  our  willingness 

and  determination,  without   resistance,  to  acquiesce  in  the  service  upon  us, 

of  any  judicial   writ  against  us  by   the   United  States  marshal  for   Kansas 

territory,  a7id  zi'ill furnish  him  a  ^ossefor  that  ;pur;pose,  if  so  requested; 

but  that  we  are  ready  to   resist,  if  need  be,  to  the  death,  the  ravages  of  an 

invading  mob. 

"  '  J.   A.  Wakefield,   Presidejit.' 

''The  resolution  was  forwarded  to  the  marshal  and  to 
Governor  Shannon. 

"As    I    have   said   the   marshal   never   sent   a   copy  of    his 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  95 

proclamation  to  Lawrence.  The  copy  that  reached  Lawrence 
was  sent  to  me  from  Lecompton  by  one  of  my  agents,  and 
was  received  a  few  hours  after  its  issue.  I  carried  it  into  the 
chamber  of  the  committee  of  safety,  which  held  a  meeting 
that  night.  Its  meetings  were  private.  Several  proposals 
were  made,  but  the  majority  were  unwilling  to  do  anything. 
Lieutenant  Governor  Roberts  and  Colonel  Holliday  were 
opposed  to  any  defense  being  made.  Holliday  urged  that 
it  was  a  busy  season,  and  the  farmers  could  not  be  taken  from 
their  farms  to  sustain  another  siege  without  great  loss.  Others 
urged  that  the  merchants  and  business  men  had  advanced 
provisions,  stores  and  goods  during  the  Wakarusa  war,  and 
had  got  pay  for  only  a  small  part,  and  could  not  advance 
anything  more  for  the  defense  of  the  place. 

''Deitzler  and  several  other  members  of  the  committee 
were  for  defending  the  place  against  the  marshal's  posse. 
The  discussion  was  vague,  pointless  and  unsatisfactory. 
There  was  no  one  to  take  the  lead.  One  proposal  was  that 
three  or  four  hundred  men,  armed  only  with  pistols  and  other 
side  arms,  should  go  to  Lecompton,  and  offer  themselves  to 
Donaldson  as  his  posse,  in  obedience  to  his  proclamation, 
and  demand  from  the  governor  a  share  of  the  public  arms  then 
at  Lecompton. 

^'The  committee  determined  that  matters  should  go  as  they 
were.  Roberts  declared  that  he  did  not  mean  to  go  out  of  the 
territory,  but  should  stay  and  be  arrested. 

"I  mention  these  things  because  they  show  why  the  im- 
pending blow  was  permitted.  The  people  as  a  general  thing 
wanted  the  town  defended,  and  dispensed  with  the  old  com- 
mittee, and  elected  a  new]]one,  composed  in  part  of  members 
of  the  first.  The  names  are  as  follows:  W.  Y.  Roberts,  G. 
W.  Deitzler,  Lyman  Allen,  John  A.  Perry,  C.  W.  Babcock, 
S.  B.  Prentis,  A.  H.  Mallory,  Joel  Grover.  A  few  days  after 
this  election   Mr.  «S.  C.  Pomeroy  arrived  from  the  east,  where 


96  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

he  had  been  on  business  for  the  Emigrant  Aid  Society,  and 
was  admitted  a  member. 

''A  change  of  ruler  does  not  always  bring  a  change  of 
policy.  This  second  committee  was  more  pacific  than  the 
first,  although  selected  by  the  people  with  the  expectation 
that  resistance  would  be  made.  In  fact  it  was  the  federal 
authority  employed  that  acted  as  a  weight  against  them." 

It  may  be  added  to  this  account  of  Colonel  Phillips  that  it 
had  been  the  settled  policy  of  the  state  leaders  not  to  resist 
United  States  authority.  The  decision  of  the  committee  not 
to  resist  does  not  argue  any  lack  of  courage  but  was  in  line 
with  the  settled  policy  of  the  free-state  men. 

The  next  day  the  committee  and  citizens  held  a  joint  meet- 
ing and  determined  to  make  another  effort  at  pacification. 
They  voted  to  send  resolutions  similar  to  those  just  quoted  to 
the  marshal  with  a  letter  as  follow^s: 

"Lawrence,  May  14,  1856. 
"I.  B.  Donaldson,  United  States  Marshal  for  Kansas  Territory: 

"Dear  Sir: — We  have  seen  a  proclamation  issued  by  yourself,  dated  nth 
of  May,  and  also  have  reliable  information  that  large  bodies  of  armed  men 
in  pursuance  of  your  proclamation  have  assembled  in  the  vicinity  of 
Lawrence. 

"That  there  maybe  no  misunderstanding  we  beg  leave  to  ask  respect- 
fully that  we  may  be  reliably  informed  of  the  demands  against  us.  We 
desire  to  state  most  truthfully  and  earnestly  that  no  opposition  will  now  or 
at  any  future  time  be  offered  to  the  execution  of.  any  legal  process  by  your- 
self or  any  person  acting  for  you.  We  also  pledge  ourselves  to  assist  you, 
if  called  upon,  in  the  execution  of  any  legal  process. 

"  We  declare  ourselves  to  be  order-loving  and  law-abiding  citizens,  and 
only  want  an  opportunity  to  test  our  fidelity  to  the  laws  of  the  country,  the 
constitution  and  the  union. 

"We  are  informed  also  that  these  men  collected  about  Lawrence  openly 
declare  that  their  intention  is  to  destroy  the  town  and  drive  off  the  citizens. 
Of  course  we  do  not  believe  that  you  would  give  countenance  to  such  threats, 
but  in  view  of  the  excited  state  of  the  public  mind  we  ask  protection  of  the 
constituted  authorities  of  the  government,  declaring  ourselves  in  readiness 


^^^^K  *  '  ^ 

■" T^ 

^L 

^^ 

ROBERT    G.    ELLIOTT, 

Editor  of  Kanmi<  Free  State. 


T.    DWIGHT    THACHER, 

Editor  of  Laivrence  licpuhlican. 


JOSLMl     MTI.l.EK,  \VM.     A.     PHILLIPS, 

Editor  of  Kansas  Free  State.  Correspondent  of  New  York  Trihime. 

EARLY  KANSAS  NEWSPAPER  MEN. 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  97 

to  co-operate  with  them  in  the  maintenance  of  the  order  and  quiet  of  the 
community  in  which  we  live.  "Very  respectfully, 

"Robert  Morrow. 

"  Lyman  Allen. 

"John  Hutchinson." 

The  reply  of  the  marshal  was  not  reassuring.      It  was  both 

insolent  and  exasperating: 

\  Office  of  United  States  Marshal, 
I  Lecompton,  K.  T.,  May  15,  1856. 

"Messrs.  G.  W.  Deitzler  and  J.  H.  Green,  Lawrence,  Kansas  Terri- 
tory:— On  yesterday  I  received  a  communication  addressed  to  me,  signed  by 
one  of  you  as  president  and  the  other  as  secretary,  purporting  to  have  been 
adopted  by  a  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Lawrence  held  on  yesterday  morn- 
ing. *  *  * 

' '  From  your  professed  ignorance  of  the  demands  against  you  I  conclude 
that  you  are  strangers  and  not  citizens  of  Lawrence;  or  of  recent  date,  or 
have  been  absent  for  some  time;  more  particularly  when  an  attempt  was 
made  by  my  deputy  to  execute  a  writ  of  the  first  district  court  of  the  United 
States  for  Kansas  territory  against  ex-Governor  Reeder  when  he  made  a 
speech  in  the  room,  and  in  the  presence  of  the  congressional  committee,  and 
denied  the  power  and  authority  of  said  court,  and  threatened  the  said 
deputy  if  he  attempted  to  execute  said  process,  which  speech  and  defiant 
threats  were  loudly  applauded  by  some  one  or  two  hundred  of  the  citizens 
of  Lawrence,  who  made  such  demonstrations  that  the  deputy  thought  that 
he  and  his  small  posse  would  endanger  their  lives  in  executing  the  process. 

' '  Your  declaration  that  you  will  truthfully  and  earnestly  offer  now,  or  at 
any  future  time,  no  opposition  to  any  legal  process,  is  difficult  to  under- 
stand. May  I  ask,  gentlemen,  what  has  produced  this  wonderful  change  in 
the  minds  of  the  people  of  Lawrence  ?  Have  their  eyes  been  suddenly 
opened  so  that  they  are  now  able  to  see  that  there  are  laws  in  Kansas  terri- 
tory which  should  be  obeyed  ?  Or,  is  it  that  just  now  those  for  whom  I 
have  writs  have  sought  refuge  elsewhere  ?  Or,  it  may  possibly  be  that  you 
now,  as  heretofore,  expect  to  screen  yourself  behind  the  word  'legal,'  so 
significantly  used  by  you.  How  am  I  to  rely  on  your  pledges  when  I  am 
well  aware  that  the  whole  population  of  Lawrence  is  armed  and  drilled,  and 
the  town  fortified  ?  When  too  I  recollect  the  meetings  and  resolutions 
adopted  in  Lawrence  and  elsewhere  in  the  territory,  openly  defying  the 
laws  and  the  officers  thereof,  and  threatening  to  resist  the  same  to  a  bloody 
issue,  as  recently  verified  in  the  attempted  assassination  of  Sheriff  Jones 
7 


gS  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

while  in  discharge  of  his  official  duties  in  Lawrence.  If  no  outrages  have 
been  committed  by  the  citizens  of  Lawrence  against  the  laws  of  the  land, 
they  need  not  fear  any  posse  of  mine.  But  I  must  take  the  liberty  of 
executing  any  and  all  processes  in  my  hands  as  United  States  marshal,  in 
my  own  time  and  manner,  and  shall  only  use  such  power  as  is  authorized 
by  law.  You  say  you  call  upon  the  constituted  authorities  for  protection. 
This  indeed  sounds  strange,  coming  from  a  body  of  men  armed  with  Sharpe's 
rifles  and  other  implements  of  war,  bound  together  by  oaths  and  pledges  to 
resist  the  government  they  call  on  for  protection.  All  persons  in  Kansas 
territory,  without  regard  to  location,  who  honestly  submit  to  the  constituted 
authorities,  will  ever  find  me  ready  to  aid  in  protecting  them;  and  those 
who  seek  to  resist  the  laws  of  the  land,  and  turn  traitors  to  their  country, 
will  find  me  aiding  in  enforcing  the  laws,  if  not  as  an  officer,  as  a  citizen. 

' '  Respectfully  yours, 

"I.  B.  Donaldson, 
''United  States  Marshal  for  Kansas  Territory .'' 

This  reply  cut  off  all  hope  of  any  relenting  on  the  part  of 
the  marshal.  Other  efforts  were  made  to  avert  the  blow,  but 
without  effect.  An  attempt  was  made  to  induce  the  governor 
to  secure  United  States  troops  to  accompany  the  marshal  in- 
stead of  the  miscellaneous  mob  which  had  assembled  in 
answer  to  the  marshal's  proclamation.  But  the  governor  was 
not  disposed  even  to  do  this  much.  He  afterwards  said  he 
would  have  done  this  if  the  matter  had  been  left  to  him. 
There  remained  nothing  but  to  let  events  take  their  course. 
The  marshal's  posse  had  already  begun  to  arrive  before  the 
proclamation  was  dated,  showing  that  the  plan  was  well 
understood,  not  by  the  marshal  alone,  but  the  pro-slavery 
people  in  Kansas  and  Missouri.  The  issuing  of  the  proc- 
lamation was  simply  a  form  adopted  to  comply  with  the 
law.  The  word  had  gone  out  as  to  what  was  to  be  done, 
and  the  people  began  to  gather.  As  they  came  they  were 
armed  with  United  States  muskets,  which  had  been  sent 
for  the  use  of  the  territorial  militia.  They  had  come 
promptly,  for  parties  had  been  waiting  on  the  border  for 
these  preliminaries  of  legal  technicalities.      They   had  failed 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  99 

in  the  Wakarusa  war  because  these  formal  details  had  been 
carelessly  attended  to.  They  did  not  propose  to  have  their 
plans  upset  again.  Impatient  as  they  were  to  get  a  blow  at 
Lawrence,  they  would  wait  till  the  legal  forms  were  complied 
with,  rather  than  be  balked  again  by  the  diplomacy  of  the 
shrewd  Yankees. 

As  they  came  they  formed  camps  at  Lecompton,  and  other 
points,  and  awaited  the  orders  of  their  chief.  The  whole 
country  was  once  more  in  a  state  of  terror.  Travelers  were 
stopped  on  the  highway,  people  were  robbed  in  their  houses, 
stock  was  driven  off,  and  houses  were  pillaged.  A  young 
man  named  Jones  was  murdered  on  his  way  home  from 
Lawrence  to  his  farm  south  of  that  place.  Another  man 
named  Stewart,  who  went  out  with  two  others  to  secure  the 
murderer,  was  also  killed. 

On  the  morning  of  May  21st,  Marshal  Donaldson  with  a 
posse  of  several  hundred  men,  and  some  pieces  of  artillery, 
appeared  on  Mount  Oread,  the  hill  overlooking  Lawrence. 
As  these  came  under  United  States  authority,  it  was  decided 
to  make  no  resistance.  Deputy  marshal  Fain  rode  into  town 
about  eleven  o'clock.  The  streets  were  very  quiet.  Some  of 
the  citizens  were  in  prison,  some  who  did  not  like  the  decision 
not  to  resist,  took  themselves  out  of  the  way.  The  deputy 
marshal  rode  up  to  the  Free-State  Hotel  where  the  committee 
of  safety  were  in  session,  and  summoned  a  number  of  citizens 
to  act  as  his  posse  in  serving  writs.  He  then  arrested  G.  W. 
Smith,  Gains  Jenkins,  and  G.  W.  Deitzler,  who  had  been 
indicted  for  treason.  The  marshal  and  his  men  were  invited 
to  dine  at  the  Free-State  Hotel. 

After  dinner  the  marshal  returned  to  the  camp  and  told  the 
men  he  had  made  all  the  arrests  he  desired  at  this  time,  and 
that  they  were  dismissed.  As  soon  as  they  were  dismissed  as 
the  marshal's  posse.  Sheriff  Jones  summoned  them  to  act  as 
a  posse  for  him,  as  he  had   some  writs  to  serve.      This  then 


A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 


was  their  shrewd  game.  This  mob  was  brought  to  Lawrence 
as  the  posse  of  the  United  States  marshal.  The  people  of 
Lawrence  had  determined  in  no  case  to  resist  United  States 
authority.  The  town  came  easily  into  their  possession.  But 
an  officer  of  the  United  States  was  limited  by  law  and  was 
compelled  to  pay  some  regard  to  decency  and  justice.  All 
he  could  do  was  to  make  a  few  arrests  to  which  the  people 
made  no  objections.  But  as  soon  as  the  town  had  submitted 
and  was  helpless,  he  turned  his  posse  over  to  Sheriff  Jones 
who  was  hampered  by  no  restrictions.  The  sheriff  rode  into 
town  with  a  company  of  men  and  drew  up  in  front  of  the 
hotel.  He  demanded  first  that  all  the  arms  in  the  place  be 
given  up  to  him.  He  gave  the  committee  five  minutes  to 
decide.  If  the  arms  were  not  surrendered  he  would  bombard 
the  town.  A  hurried  consultation  was  held,  and  it  was 
decided  to  give  up  the  cannon,  and  the  arms  in  possession  of 
the  committee  of  safety.  They^told  him  the  other  arms  were 
private  property  and  not  at  the  disposal  of  the  committee. 

The  one  cannon  they  possessed  was  hidden  under  a  building 
and  never  could  have  been  found  by  the  invaders.  But  so 
anxiously  nervous  were  they  to  appease  the  fussy  sheriff  and 
save  the  towm,  that  General  Samuel  C.  Pomeroy  crawled 
under  the  building  where  the  cannon  was  hidden,  and  dragged 
it  out,  and  turned  it  over  to  Jones.  But  neither  their  prom- 
ises nor  their  humiliation  availed  anything. 

As  soon  as  Jones  had  possession  of  the  cannon  and  other 
arms,  he  proceeded  to  carry  out  his  purpose  to  destroy  the 
Free-State  Hotel.  He  gave  the  inmates  till  five  o'clock  to 
get  out  their  personal  effects.  When  all  was  ready  he  turned 
his  cannon  upon  the  hotel  and  fired.  The  first  ball  went 
completely  over  the  roof,  at  which  all  the  people  cheered, 
much  to  the  disgust  of  Jones.  The  next  shot  hit  the  walls 
but  did  little  damage.  After  bombarding  away  with  little  or 
no  effect  till  it  was  becoming  monotonous,  they  attempted  to 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  lOI 

blow  up  the  building  with  a  keg  of  powder.  But  this  only 
made  a  big  noise  and  a  big  smoke,  and  did  not  do  much 
towards  demolishing  the  house. 

At  every  failure  the  citizen  spectators  along  the  street  set 
up  a  shout.  At  last  Jones  became  desperate,  and  applied  the 
vulgar  torch,  and  burned  the  building  to  the  ground.  Mean- 
while the  two  newspaper  offices  had  been  ransacked,  the  presses 
broken  and  the  type  thrown  into  the  river,  or  scattered  along 
the  street.  The  mob  by  this  time  had  become  thoroughly 
reckless,  and  were  ransacking  the  town.  Nearly  every  house 
was  entered,  and  many  of  them  robbed.  Trunks  were  broken 
open,  clothing  stolen,  and  everything  taken  off  to  which  they 
took  a  fancy.  In  the  evening  Governor  Robinson's  house  w^as 
set  on  fire  and  burned  to  the  ground. 

Jones  was  exultant.  His  revenge  was  complete.  ''This  is 
the  happiest  moment*  of  my  life,"  he  shouted  as  the  walls  of 
the  hotel  fell.  He  had  made  the  "fanatics  bow  to  him  in  the 
dust."     He  then  dismissed  his  posse  and  left. 

The  losses  sustained  by  the  people  of  Lawrence  and  sur- 
rounding country  were  quite  heavy.  It  was  estimated  that 
the  value  of  the  property  destroyed  and  stolen  amounted  to 
nearly  $200,000.  A  newspaper  correspondent  speaks  of  see- 
ing some  of  these  legalized  bandits  in  Kansas  City  the  next 
day,  dressed  in  articles  stolen  at  the  sack  of  Lawrence. 
"They  had  crossed  their  native  red  shirt  with  a  satin  vest,  or 
a  narrow  dress  coat,  pillaged  from  some  Lawrence  Yankee,  or 
had  girded  themselves  with  the  cord  and  tassels  which  the 
day  before  had  ornamented  the  curtains  of  the  Free-State 
Hotel."  The  committee  of  safety  sent  a  statement  of  the 
whole  affair  to  Washington  afterwards,  and  from  their  paper 
w^e  quote  a  few  paragraphs.  "  Men  endeavored  b}/  argument, 
and  women  by  tears,  to  alter  the  determination  of  Jones,  but 
in  vain.  The  work  of  pillage  had  commenced.  The  contents 
of  the  printing  offices  had    been   scattered   in  the  streets,  and 


I02  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

the  red  flag  planted  on  the  roof,  first  of  the'  office  of  the  Herald 
of  Freedom,  and  afterwards  of  the  Free-State  Hotel.  The 
family  of  Mr.  G.  W.  Brown  were  driven  from  their  home, 
and  the  immediate  pillage  of  the  hotel  was  prevented  only  by 
the  resolute  interference  of  a  few  citizens,  aided  by  some 
individuals  of  the  mob,  who  kept  a  strict  guard^  at  the  doors, 
and  insisted  that  the  families  of  the  proprietors  should  have 
the  time  promised  them  by  Jones  in  which  to  collect  their 
most  necessary  effects  and  leave.  At  last  the  cannons  were 
placed  and  ready,  and  it  was  announced  to  Colonel  S.  W. 
Eldridge,  that  the  bombardment  would  commence  in  five 
minutes.  His  wife  and  children  were  driven  off  between 
files  of  United  States  bayonets,  and  amidst  the  yells  of  the 
impatient  mob.  The  work  of  pillage  spread  through  the 
whole  town,  and  continued  until  dark.  Every  house  and 
store  which  could  be  entered  was  ransacked,  trunks  broken 
open  and  money  and  property  taken  at  will.  In  one  house 
over  two  thousand  dollars  in  money  were  carried  away.  The 
house  of  Charles  Robinson  was  pillaged  and  burned  to  the 
ground.  Towards  evening  the  forces  were  drawn  off  to  their 
camp,  and  the  sack  of  Lawrence  was  concluded." 

To  evade  the  pledge  of  the  United  States  marshal  that  his 
posse  should  not  enter  Lawrence,  they  were  disbanded  on  the 
hill,  and  then  summoned  to  act  as  a  posse  for  Sheriff  Jones. 
The  marshal  dismissed  them  at  the  town  limits,  and  the 
sheriff  led  them  in. 

All  this  was  done  in  the  name  of  law  by  men  sworn  to 
administer  the  law.  Among  the  crowd  were  a  United  States 
marshal  and  his  deputy,  David  R.  Atchison,  late  vice  president 
of  the  United  States,  and  other  men  of  distinction.  It  is  but 
justice  to  say  that  many  of  these  men  endeavored  to  restrain 
the  mob  within  some  sort  of  bounds,  but  the  mob  was  not  of 
the  kind  that  drew  nice  distinctions  between  burning  down  a 
hotel  against  which  no  wrong  had  been  proved,  and  ransack- 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  IO3 

ing  a  private  house  or  store.  They  were  common,  rough  men 
who  could  not  draw  the  distinction  between  crime  by  order 
of  a  court,  and  the  same  crime  just  outside  the  limits  of  that 
order.  They  could  not  appreciate  therefore  the  eloquence  of 
gentlemen  who  urged  them  to  confine  their  outrages  within 
the  limits  prescribed  by  the  court.  The  result  was  that  Law- 
rence suffered  beyond  the  appointed  measure,  and  was  a 
pretty  thoroughly  demoralized  community. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

The  Summer  of  1856. — Outrages  Everywhere. — Lawrence 
Invested  by  Pro-slavery  '*  Forts." — The  Capture  of 
Franklin,  Fort  Saunders,  and  Fort  Titus. — Titus  a 
Prisoner. — Governor  Shannon  Makes  Another  Treaty. 
— Governor  Shannon  Resigns. — Daniel  Woodson  Act- 
ing Governor. 

The  sack  of  Lawrence  was  followed  by  an  unprecedented 
condition  of  affairs.  The  whole  territory  was  in  a  confusion. 
The  summer  that  followed  was  the  most  exciting  that  Kansas 
ever  knew.  First  of  all  came  what  has  been  known  as  the 
Potawatomie  massacre.  The  news  of  the  attack  on  Lawrence 
reached  Osawatomie  the  day  it  occurred  and  while  it  was 
still  being  prosecuted.  Old  John  Brown  at  once  assembled 
a  company  of  about  fifty  men  and  started  for  that  place. 
Before  reaching  Lawrence  they  learned  the  particulars  of  the 
assault  and  found  they  were  too  late  to  render  assistance. 
Most  of  the  men  returned  to  their  homes,  but  John  Brown 
with  a  small  band  remained.  Two  days  later  occurred  the 
terrible  tragedy  at  Dutch  Henry's  Crossing,  which  has  never 
been  satisfactorily  explained,  and  which  was  quoted  for  years 
as  the  excuse  for  pro-slavery  outrages  without  number.  Other 
outrages  followed  on  the  other  side  and  continued  all  summer. 
Captain  Henry  Clay  Pate  led  a  company  of  ruffians  along  the 
old  Santa  Fe  trail,  and  robbed  Black  Jack  and  Palmyra  and 
other  places,  and  spread  terror  all  about.  Old  John  Brown, 
learning  of  his  exploits,  pounced  upon  him  with  a  company 
of  free-state  men  and  captured  the  whole  outfit.  Then  in  turn. 
Colonel  Sumner,  with  some  United  States  troops,  overhauled 
Brown  and  compelled  him  to  release  his  prisoners.  About 
the  same  time  General  Reid  gathered  about  two  hundred  men 
in  Missouri  and  marched  through  the  border  counties.      He 


COL.    JAMES    BLOOD, 
First  Mayor— 1857. 


A.    D.     SEARLE. 

First  City  Eiii^inee 


GEO.  W.  COLLAMORE,  DR.  ALONZO  FULLER, 

Mayor  at  the  time  of  the  Raid.  Acting  Mayor  after  the  Raid. 

LAWRENCE  CITY  OFFICIALS. 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  IO5 

came  to  Osawatomie  and  let  his  ruffians  loose  there.  They 
looted  the  town  and  finally  burned  it.  Colonel  Sumner 
approaching  they  withdrew  and  disappeared  in  Missouri. 
Bands  of  armed  men  of  both  parties  moved  here  and  there, 
each  seeking  to  defend  their  own  and  to  gain  some  advantage 
over  the  other.  A  number  of  so  called  battles  were  fought, 
but  no  great  losses  were  sustained  on  either  side.  The  men 
who  were  killed  were  usually  attacked  alone  and  murdered  in 
cold  blood.  A  drunken  ruffian  in  Leavenworth  made  a  bet 
that  he  would  bring  in  the  scalp  of  an  abolitionist  in  less  than 
two  hours.  He  sallied  out  on  the  Lawrence  road  and  met  a 
Mr.  Hoppe  coming  over  from  Lawrence  in  a  carriage.  He 
at  once  shot  and  scalped  him,  and  bore  the  scalp  into  town 
on  a  pole  amid  the  cheers  of  the  crowds  on  the  streets.  An 
inoffensive  German  who  expressed  his  horror  at  such  brutality 
was  shot  dead.  Mr.  Hoppe  w^as  a  brotner-in-law  of  Rev. 
Ephraim  Nute,  pastor  of  the  Unitarian  Church  of  Lawrence, 
and  he  and  his  wife  were  visiting  there.  Mr.  Nute  gave  a 
very  vivid  account  of  the  affair  and  the  general  condition  in  a 
letter  written  a  week  later,  August  22nd,  to  a  friend  in  Mass- 
achusetts: 

''The  horrors  of  ruffianism  grow  thicker  and  closer  about 
us.  My  home  has  become  a  house  of  mourning.  A  brother- 
in-law  came  out  to  us  and  reached  our  house  a  week  since 
with  his  wife,  an  own  sister  of  mine.  On  Monday  last  he 
started  to  return  to  Leavenworth,  leaving  his  w^ife  sick.  That 
night  he  was  shot  within  a  few  miles  of  Leavenw^orth,  and 
his  scalp  exhibited  in  fiendish  exultation  in  the  town. 

''I  have  tried  in  vain  to  raise  a  body  of  men  to  go  for  the 
recovery  of  our  brother's  remains,  to  give  them  a  decent 
burial,  and  for  his  effects  about  his  person,  all  his  money,  etc. 
I  have  taken  my  rifle  and  offered  to  be  one  of  fifty  to  go.  A 
sufficient  number  responded  and  had  pledged  to  go  the  morn- 
ing after  the  sad  tidings  reached  us.      But  it  was  thought  best 


Io6  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

to  delay  until  we  should  get  answer  from  the  officer  in  com- 
mand of  the  United  States  dragoons  camped  about  ten  miles 
from  here,  to  whom  we  had  applied  for  a  force  to  go  with  us. 
It  came  at  night,  referring  us  to  a  superior  force  then  on  the 
way  with  several  companies  to  join  Pierce's  bloody  officials  at 
Lecompton.  Twice  have  we  sent,  making  the  request  of  him 
for  the  protection  of  an  escort  to  go  with  our  teams  to  Leav- 
enworth for  provisions,  and  twice  have  been  refused.  There 
is  not  a  single  sack  of  flour  or  bushel  of  meal-  for  sale  in  this 
vicinity,  and  we  have  at  least  two  thousand  men,  women  and 
children  to  be  fed.  What  shall  we  do,  what  can  we  do,  but 
fight  our  way  through,  with  the  desperation  of  men  who 
know  themselves  surrounded  by  merciless  savages.  This  we 
are  deteri7iined  to  do.  You  will  have  a  report  of  bloody  work 
before  this  reaches  you.  It  may  be  that  nothing  short  of  a 
massacre  of  the  suffering  people  of  Kansas  will  arouse  this 
nation  to  a  sense  of  the  inconceivable  wickedness  of  the  men 
at  the  head  of  affairs.  You  may  imagine  the  feelings  with 
which  I  read  the  cold  blooded  sneers,  the  diabolical  sport 
which  is  made  of  our  sufferings  in  the  Boston  Post  which  I 
have  just  received.  Are  all  the  feelings  of  humanity,  is  all 
sense  of  decency  dead  in  the  minds  of  the  men  who  uphold 
this  infamous  administration  ?  Many  of  us  have  ceased 
to  hope  for  anything  but  the  foulest  from  the  government. 
All  that  seems  to  be  in  store  for  us  worth  aspiring  to  is  heroic 
martyrdom."  *  *   * 

A  few  days  later  Mr.  Nute  and  his  sister  and  several  others 
went  over  to  Leavenworth  to  ascertain  the  facts  in  regard  to 
the  murder  of  Mr.  Hoppe  and  bring  home  his  effects.  They 
were  all  taken  prisoners  by  a  band  under  command  of  Cap- 
tain Emory.  Mrs.  Hoppe  was  not  permitted  even  to  visit  the 
grave  of  her  husband,  but  was  put  on  board  a  steamboat  and 
sent  down  the  river  to  her  friends  in  Illinois.  Mr.  Nute,  Mr. 
Wilder,  a  merchant  of  Lawrence,  and  their  companions,  some 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  lOj 

fifteen  in  all,  were  imprisoned  in  Leavenworth,  and  were  not 
allowed  to  go  home  for  over  two  weeks.  Other  outrages 
were  committed  in  other  parts  of  the  territory. 

A  little  earlier  than  this  a  political  event  had  occured  which 
increased  the  sense  of  unrest.  On  the  Fourth  of  July  the 
free-state  legislature  met  at  Topeka  in  Constitutional  Hall. 
There  had  been  rumors  that  they  would  be  dispersed  by  fed- 
eral troops.  A  free-state  convention  met  at  the  same  time  to 
encourage  the  legislators,  and  as  some  thought  to  protect 
them  if  they  were  disturbed.  As  nothing  of  the  kind  was 
attempted,  however,  it  was  doubtful  if  there  was  any  serious 
thought  of  such  a  thing.  On  the  day  of  meeting  Colonel  E. 
V.  Sumner  appeared  in  Topeka  with  six  hundred  dragoons, 
and  several  pieces  of  artillery.  As  the  hour  of  assembling 
drew  near,  the  cannon  were  posted  so  as  to  sweep  the  street 
in  front  of  the  hall,  and  Colonel  Sumner,  with  six  hundred 
men,  rode  up  in  front  of  the  building.  He  then  went  in  and 
went  forward  to  the  speaker's  stand.  He  said  it  was  a  very 
painful  duty,  but  it  was  his  duty,  to  order  them,  in  the  name 
of  the  president  of  the  United  States,  to  disperse.  The  mem- 
bers quietly  went  out,  and  the  troops  quietly  went  home. 
Some  one  asked  Colonel  Sumner  why  he  brought  so  large  a 
force,  and  if  he  expected  to  need  them.  He  said,  "No,  I 
brought  them  that  I  might  not  need  them."  The  governor 
about  this  time  issued  a  proclamation  ordering  all  bodies  of 
armed  men  to  disband,  and  promising  protection  to  all  with- 
out regard  to  part}^  But  as  there  was  a  general  suspicion 
among  free-state  men  that  this  was  meant  for  only  one  side, 
they  all  kept  their  arms  and  kept  up  their  organizations. 
Neither  party  paid  any  attention  to  the  proclamation,  except 
as  United  States  troops  compelled  compliance.  The  result 
of  it  all  was  that  matters  grew  worse  instead  of  l)etter,  and 
the  excitement  increased  instead  of  subsiding. 

The   whole   country   shared   the   excitement,  for   the  whole 


I08  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

nation  was  interested  in  the  result  of  the  conflict.  Other 
events  tended  to  intensify  the  common  feeling.  The  day  be- 
fore the  sacking  of  Lawrence  Senator  Charles  Sumner  made 
his  great  speech  in  the  United  States  senate  on  the  ''Crime 
against  Kansas."  It  was  a  terrible  indictment  of  the  national 
administration  for  its  policy  and  the  results  of  it.  The  day 
following,  May  22nd,  Preston  S.  Brooks  struck  him  down 
with  a  cane,  as  he  sat  in  his  seat  in  the  senate  chamber.  His 
act  seemed  to  be  but  an  echo  of  what  was  going  on  in  Kansas 
at  the  same  time.  The  whole  country  was  in  a  blaze  of  in- 
dignation, and  Kansas  was  the  center  towards  which  all  eyes 
were  turned.  The  whole  North  seemed  to  rise  at  once  de- 
termined that  Kansas  should  be  free.  There  was  but  one 
way  to  make  her  free,  and  that  was  to  settle  the  territory  with 
free-state  men.  From  all  sections,  and  of  all  classes,  immi- 
grants moved  towards  Kansas.  The  farmer  left  his  farm,  the 
merchant  left  his  store,  the  professional  man  left  his  office,  at 
the  impulse  of  an  idea  that  had  taken  hold  of  his  soul. 

"  They  left  the  plowshare  in  the  mould, 
The  sheep  and  herd  without  a  fold, 
The  cattle  in  the  unshorn  grain, 
The  corn  half  garnered  on  the  plain." 

College     students,    just     graduated,    or    before     graduation, 

turned  their  back  on  the  literary  life  they  had  chosen,  or  the 

professional   life   to   which   they   were   looking,    and   went   to 

Kansas  at  the  call  of  freedom.      They  came  often  without  any 

definite  idea  as  to  what  they  w^ere  to  do  or  how  they  were  to 

make  a  living.      That  was  entirely  a  secondary  consideration. 

But  they  had  a  very  decided  idea  as  to  what  kind   of    a   state 

Kansas  must  be.      It  was  no  uncommon  thing  to   find  college 

graduates  driving  an  ox  team  through  the  streets  of  Lawrence, 

or  cutting  timber  by  the  river,  or  living  in  some  lonely  shanty 

or  dug-out 

"  Far  out  upon  the  prairie." 

Not  in  towns  alone,  but  on  claims  all  around,  you  would  find 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION,  IO9 

the  same  class  of  people.  In  the  loneliest  cabins  in  the  most 
out  of  the  way  place,  you  might  find  men  who  could  talk  to 
you  intelligently  of  the  latest  scientific  theory,  or  discuss  the 
latest  novel.  And  they  did  not  come  as  adventurers  to  see 
how  they  would  like  it.  But  they  came  to  stay  and  see  the 
thing  done.  Whether  they  made  a  farm  or  not,  whether 
they' made  a  living  or  not,  they  proposed  to  make  Kansas 
free.  They  came  possessed  of  an  idea,  and  they  intended  to 
make  that  idea  effective.  As  a  rule  they  were  peaceable  men 
who  did  not  come  to  fight.  But  they  were  made  of  the  stuff 
of  which  all  heroes  are  made,  and  when  they  were  compelled 
to  fight,  it  was  a  sorry  day  for  ''the  other  fellow."  There  were 
rough  and  turbulent  characters  among  them,  and  rash  things 
and  wrong  things  were  done  by  them.  But  the  great  mass  of 
free-state  settlers  came  with  honest  intent  to  make  Kansas  a 
free  state. 

The  pro-slavery  people  endeavered  to  meet  this  great  up- 
rising at  the  North  by  a  counter-movement.  The  Missouri 
river  had  been  the  great  highway  to  Kansas.  There  was  no 
railroad,  and  the  overland  trip  was  long  and  tedious.  The 
bulk  of  immigration  came  by  way  of  the  river.  The  Missour- 
ians  determined  to  blockade  the  river,  and  thus  stem  the  tide 
that  was  becoming  irresistable.  They  thus  expected  to  put 
a  stop  to  free-state  immigration  to  Kansas.  Steamboats 
coming  up  the  river  were  stopped  and  overhauled,  usually 
with  the  connivance  of  the  captain.  If  the  captain  objected 
it  did  not  make  any  difference.  Free-state  passengers  were 
taken  off  and  sent  back  by  the  next  down  boat.  The  over- 
land route  was  also  blocaded,  and  the  highways  through 
Missouri  were  patrolled,  and  intending  immigrants  going 
overland  were  turned  back. 

As  soon  as  this  decision  was  known  at  the  north  it  produced 
great  consternation,  as  well  as  great  indignation.  It  seemed 
as  if  the  enemy  had   the   key  to  the  situation,  and  the  rest  of 


no  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

the  country  was  helpless.  But  the  discouragement  did  not 
last  long.  "Where  there  is  a  will  there  is  a  way. "  Here 
there  were  a  good  many  wills,  and  they  soon  found  there  were 
more  than  one  way.  The  Missourians  did  not  own  the  earth. 
The  blockade  only  turned  the  tide  northward.  The  stream 
could  not  be  stopped.  They  might  as  well  try  to  stop  the  flow 
of  the  "Big  Muddy"  itself,  as  to  stop  the  determined  pur- 
pose of  the  north.  Hindrances  only  stimulated  it  to  more 
vigorous  effort.  A  way  was  opened  through  Iowa  and  Ne- 
braska, and  the  stream  soon  began  to  flow  in  a  torrent  along 
the  new  channel.  Companies  of  two  and  three  hundred 
strong  made  their  way  by  this  slow  and  circuitous  route.  It 
took  longer  but  "they  got  there,"  in  more  ways  than  one. 
Everything  that  could  be  done  to  annoy  and  hinder  was  done. 
But  it  all  stimulated  the  movement.  The  very  attempt  to 
stop  the  tide  only  increased  its  force  and  volume.  Among 
these  annoyances,  these  companies  were  accused  of  coming 
with  hostile  intent,  and  not  as  bona  fide  immigrants.  The 
various  companies  were  therefore  met  at  the  northern  border 
of  the  territory  by  a  force  of  United  States  troops  and  put 
under  arrest.  One  writer  who  was  with  a  company  of  some 
three  hundred  described  their  experiences.  "When  we  came 
to  the  Kansas  line  we  were  met  by  the  United  States  marshal 
and  three  hundred  United  States  cavalry  and  put  under  arrest. 
The  next  day  they  marched  us  twenty-seven  miles  under  a 
heavy  guard.  The  next  day,  being  Sunday,  they  marched  us 
fifteen  miles  and  camped  on  Straight  creek,  where  in  the 
evening  we  had  religious  services.  On  Monday  morning  we 
resumed  our  march  and  continued  for  two  days  when  we  came 
to  the  Kansas  river  not  far  from  Topeka.  Here  we  were  met 
by  the  governor,  and  he  being  satisfied  at  our  peaceful 
intentions  set  us  all  at  liberty,  and  we  went  our  various  ways." 
Thus  the  very  efforts  made  to  hinder  really  helped  the 
cause.      The  more  the  way   of  the   immigrants  was   blocked. 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  Ill 

the  thicker  and  faster  they  came.  The  harder  the  journey 
the  more  eager  people  were  to  make  it.  Every  outrage  only 
stirred  the  popular  mind  more  deeply,  and  made  the  common 
determination  more  strong.  Every  free-state  man  killed 
brought  a  score  to  fill  his  place.  If  the  arguments  of  free- 
state  speakers  failed  to  move,  the  excesses  of  their  opponents 
could  not  fail.  It  may  truly  be  said  that  Kansas  was  made  a 
free  state  by  the  excesses  and  outrages  of  those  who  sought 
to  make  it  a  slave  state. 

The  bearing  of  all  this  on  the  history  of  Lawrence  will  be 
readily  seen.  Lawrence  was  the  focus  of  the  fight.  TKe 
troubles  she  endured  were  a  part  of  the  general  condition. 
She  was  the  center  of  free-state  operations,  and  consequently 
the  center  of  pro-slavery  hate  and  pro-slavery  plots.  She 
might  be  called  the  capital  of  the  free-state  party.  The  free- 
state  party  was  more  than  a  political  organization.  It  was 
essentially  a  sort  of  second  ''body  politic."  It  had  a  settled 
policy  of  its  own,  a  sort  of  intangible  organization  that  was 
effective  for  combined  effort,  but  which  could  not  be  located. 
It  had  its  soldiers  and  its  officers,  its  arms  and  its  unwritten 
laws.  Its  settled  policy  was  to  avoid  conflict  if  possible,  but 
to  be  prepared  for  defense.  Its  main  point  was  to  hold  the 
ground  until  the  preponderance  of  free-state  immigration 
should  settle  the  question  at  issue.  It  was  a  very  shrewd 
policy  and  very  difficult  to  maintain,  but  it  was  maintained 
with  marvelous  consistency. 

After  the  judicial  sacking  of  the  town  on  the  twenty-first  of 
May,  Lawrence  was  in  a  very  depressed  condition.  Many  of 
the  people  felt  humiliated  at  the  thought  of  having  allowed 
such  an  outrage  without  even  a  show  of  resistance.  Accord- 
ing to  the  common  agreement  they  just  stood  by  and  looked 
on,  as  the  hotel  and  printing  offices  were  destroyed  and  the 
town  robbed.  They  were  compelled  to  look  on  as  all  this 
was  done;   and  also  to  endure  the  insults  of  the  overbearing 


112  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

miscreants  who  exulted  in  their  work,  and  called  the  citizens  a 
pack  of  ''  cowardly  Yankees."  This  was  doubtless  the  wisest 
policy  they  could  have  chosen,  but  the  situation  was  very 
galling.  Their  foes  would  have  been  delighted  if  they  could 
have  provoked  them  to  resistance,  and  a  good  deal  of  their 
insolence  and  ostentation  were  for  the  purpose  of  goading 
them  beyond  endurance.  Had  the  citizens  resisted,  even  if 
they  had  been  able  to  drive  the  marauders  out  of  town,  they 
would  have  been  charged  with  resisting  officers,  and  a  new 
batch  of  indictments  .would  have  been  issued,  and  a  larger 
posse  would  have  been  secured.  As  it  was,  the  ruffians  were 
guilty  of  an  unprovoked  outrage,  and  had  put  themselves  in 
the  position  of  law-breakers,  while  professing  to  enforce  law. 

The  feeling  of  depression  was  very  general.  The  people 
knew  not  what  next  might  come.  They  were  not  as  well 
organized  as  they  had  been  at  the  time  of  the  Wakarusa  war. 
Their  trusted  leaders  were  gone.  Robinson  was  in  prison 
near  Lecompton.  Many  of  their  ablest  citizens  were  in 
prison  with  him.  Lane  w^as  out  of  the  territory  to  avoid 
arrest.  A  great  many  others  had  left  to  escape  indictment. 
Their  leading  men  in  prison,  or  fleeing  from  indictments, 
their  beautiful  hotel  in  ruins,  their  printing  presses  scattered, 
their  houses  broken  into  and  robbed,  and  no  law  or  courts  to 
which  they  could  appeal  for  redress,  it  was  not  strange  that 
a  spirit  of  despondency  should  settle  over  the  community. 

The  troubles  all  over  the  territory  found  their  focus  in 
Lawrence.  Bands  of  pro-slavery  men  roved  about  making 
travel  dangerous  and  putting  life  in  constant  peril.  Lawrence 
became  invested  by  a  system  of  forts,  or  block  houses,  where 
bands  of  pro-slavery  men  were  housed,  and  from  which  they 
sallied  on  expeditions  of  plunder  or  revenge.  One  of  these 
so-called  forts  was  at  Franklin,  four  miles  east  of  Lawrence. 
Another,  Fort  Saunders,  was  on  Washington  creek,  twelve  miles 
southwest.      A  third  was  near  Lecompton  and  was  called  Fort 


REV.    S.    Y.    LUM, 

Preached  first  sermon. 


REV.    WM.    BISHOP, 

First  Pastor  of  Presbyterian  Church. 


REV.     RICHARD    CORDLEY,  REV.    CHARLES    REYNOLDS, 

Pastor  of  Congregational  Church.  First  Rector  of  Episcopal  Church. 

E:ARLY  pastors  of  LAWRENCE. 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  I  1 5, 

Titus.  These  forts  were  simply  log  houses,  with  port-holes 
for  guns,  and  supplied  with  provisions  and  ammunition,  and 
prepared  for  defense  or  siege.  These  three  strong  holds 
practically  cut  off  Lawrence  from  help  and  from  supplies. 
So  close  was  the  investment  at  one  time,  that  provisions 
became  very  scarce,  and  there  was  danger  of  a  famine  from 
the  fact  that  it  was  not  possible  to  bring  in  supplies.  The 
garrisons  in  these  forts  were  continually  committing  depreda- 
tions, waylaying  travelers  and  robbing  farms  and  slaughtering 
cattle.  By  August  the  situation  in  Lawrence  was  becoming 
unendurable,  and  they  began  to  devise  plans  of  relief. 

August  1 2th  Major  S.  D.  Hoyt,  a  citizen  of  Lawrence, 
went  to  Fort  Saunders  to  confer  as  to  terms  of  peace,  that 
both  parties  might  cease  their  depredations.  He  was  kindly 
received,  but  on  his  return  two  men  accompanied  him,  and  as 
soon  as  they  came  to  a  lonely  spot  they  shot  Hoyt  dead,  and 
left  him  half  buried.  This  brutal  murder  so  enraged  the 
people  of  Lawrence,  that  they  laid  plans  for  the  immediate 
reduction  of  these  strongholds.  They  began  with  Franklin. 
This  had  always  been  a  pestilent  place.  In  the  Wakarusa 
war  it  was  the  headquarters  of  the  invading  army.  It  was  a 
pro-slavery  settlement  and  the  feeling  towards  Lawrence  had 
been  very  bitter  from  the  first.  In  June  the  free-state  men 
had  tried  to  reduce  the  place.  They  had  attacked  in  the 
night  and  wasted  no  end  of  ammunition.  But  bullets  had 
little  effect  on  the  heavy  logs  of  which  the  fort  was  built.  At 
daybreak  they  withdrew,  leaving  things  pretty  much  as  they 
were.  But  this  time  they  had  a  stronger  force,  and  a  stronger 
provocation.  The  fort  consisted  of  a  block  house,  with  a  log 
house  on  either  side.  The  free-state  men  made  a  night  attack 
again,  and  began  firing  as  before.  They  lay  upon  their  faces, 
shielding  their  heads  behind  fences,  humps  of  dirt,  or  any- 
thing that  afforded  a  friendly  shelter  from  the  enemy's  bullets. 
I  heard  one  of  these   improvised  soldiers   tell  his  experience. 


114  ^    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

He  had  been  brought  up  a  quaker,  but  the  Kansas  outrages 
had  so  stirred  his  blood  that  he  fell  from  grace  so  far  as  to 
carry  a  musket  with  the  boys.  When  they  came  to  their 
position,  he  lay  down  behind  a  fence  post.  At  the  command 
to  fire  he  emptied  his  gun  in  the  direction  of  the  fort,  but  he 
said  the  enemy's  bullets  so  pelted  the  ground  about  him,  that 
he  could  not  reload  without  running  the  risk  of  catching  one 
of  them.  He  lay  still  therefore.  He  said  the  bullets  struck 
all  around  him,  and  threw  the  dirt  in  his  face,  and  splintered 
his  protecting  fence  poast,  but  spared  his  head.  He  said  ''It 
was  the  most  careless  shooting  I  ever  witnessed."  Whether 
the  rest  of  the  soldiers  reserved  their  fire  as  this  prudent 
young  man  did  we  are  not  advised.  Whether  they  did  or  not 
there  was  little  effect  produced  by  the  firing  on  either  side. 
The  garrison  defied  them.  But  they  had  underrated  the 
resources  of  Yankee  ingenuity.  A  load  of  hay  stood  in  the 
street  not  far  away.  This  they  pushed  towards  the  block 
house,  and  set  fire  to  it.  As  the  blazing  load  of  hay  came  up 
against  the  logs,  the  inmates  became  panic  stricken  and  cried 
for  mercy.  The  free-state  men  then  took  possession,  destroy- 
ed the  fort,  and  carried  off  the  arms  and  stores  found  therein. 
Among  the  arms  was  a  cannon  which  was  just  the  thing 
they  needed  to  reduce  the  other  forts.  The  only  cannon  the 
free-state  men  possessed  had  been  surrendered  at  the  sacking 
.of  Lawrence  in  May.  One  point  in  attacking  Franklin  first 
was  to  secure  this  cannon  for  use  against  the  other  forts. 

The  success  at  Franklin  inspired  the  free-state  men  with 
increased  zeal,  and  they  began  to  gather  from  various  quar- 
ters until  three  or  four  hundred  men  were  in  camp.  The  next 
point  was  Fort  Saunders  on  Washington  creek.  They  had  a 
cannon  now  and  could  do  more  effective  work  in  battering 
down  walls.  But  they  had  no  cannon  balls.  The  piece  was 
turned  over  to  Captain  Bickerton,  the  man  who  was  so  suc- 
cessful  in   bringing   a   cannon   from    Kansas  City  the  autumn 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  II5 

before.  The  first  thing  was  to  secure  balls.  Now  the  type 
of  the  two  newspapers  were  put  to  a  new  use.  In  the  sacking 
of  the  town  in  May  the  type  had  been  scattered,  many  of  them 
melted  in  the  burning  buildings.  Captain  Bickerton  and  his 
men  gathered  up  the  type  and  the  type  metal  and  molded 
them  into  balls  for  the  cannon.  Every  time  one  was  fired 
into  the  ruffians' stronghold  the  soldiers  would  shout,  '^An- 
other issue  of  the  Herald  of  Freedom.'" 

When  all  was  ready  they  proceeded  against  Fort  Saunders. 
The  refugees  from  Franklin  had  reinforced  the  garrison. 
The  free-state  men  were  under  the  command  of  Captains 
Shombre,  Walker,  Cracklin,  Bickerton  and  others.  While 
waiting,  scouts  found  the  body  of  Hoyt  who  had  been  mur- 
dered a  few  days  before,  and  whose  murder  was  the  immediate 
cause  of  the  attack.  This  so  enraged  the  men  that  they  in- 
sisted on  moving  at  once.  The  officers  had  favored  delay,  but 
the  men  would  not  be  restrained.  The  whole  body  marched 
forward  at  two  o'clock  on  the  afternoon  of  the  15th  of  August. 
The  garrison  fied  before  the  troops  reached  the  fort,  leaving 
their  guns  and  stores  for  the  visitors.  They  also  found  near 
the  fort  the  horse  of  the  murdered  Hoyt. 

The  next  day  they  turned  their  attention  to  Fort  Titus. 
They  moved  in  this  more  speedily,  as  Titus  and  his  men  had 
been  committing  depredations  in  the  neighborhood,  which 
had  exasperated  the  free-state  men,  and  induced  them  to 
attempt  the  immediate  destruction  of  the  fort.  Fort  Titus  was 
about  two  miles  from  Lecompton.  It  consisted  of  Colonel 
Titus'  log  house  put  in  shape  for  defense.  Here  a  number  of 
pro-slavery  desperadoes  made  their  headquarters,  and  from 
this  they  were  in  the  habit  of  sallying  forth  to  harrass  free- 
state  men,  and  ravage  the  country.  When  pursued  they  fled 
to  "the  fort,"  and  were  safe  from  any  ordinary  attack.  It 
was  the  strongest  and  most  annoying  of  the  three  forts  by 
which  Lawrence   had  been   invested.      It  was   only   two  miles 


Il6  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

from  Lecompton,  which  was  the  territorial  capital,  and  the 
headquarters  of  pro-slavery  operations.  They  could  always 
rely  on  the  support  of  their  '^  friends  "  at  the  capital.  Besides 
this  it  was  only  a  mile  from  the  camp  where  the  free-state 
prisoners  were  kept.  This  camp  was  in  charge  of  a  company 
of  United  States  soldiers  under  the  command  of  Major  John 
Sedgwick.  The  soldiers  were  there  at  the  request  of  the 
governor,  and  were  under  orders  from  the  territorial  officials. 
These  officials  had  a  very  peculiar  way  of  making  use  of  the 
soldiers.  When  pro-slavery  men  committed  depredations  the 
authorities  at  Lecompton  could  never  get  any  ''official" 
information  in  time  to  interfere.  But  whenever  free-state 
men  were  moved  to  retaliate,  the  information  came  quickly 
and  was  always  "official."  Then  a  squad  of  troops  would  be 
ordered .  to  go  to  the  scene  of  disturbance  and  ''preserve 
order."  Colonel  Titus  had  felt  secure  in  the  presence  of 
these  troops,  who  could  reach  him  in  a  few  minutes  in  case 
of  attack.  But  his  own  movements  and  outrages  were  never 
reported  in  time  to  allow  any  intervention.  Major  Sedgwick 
was  a  soldier,  and  an  .  honorable  man,  and  he  and  his  men 
had  become  very  much  disgusted  with  the  one-sided  way  in 
which  things  were  managed,  and  especially  indignant  at  the 
part  they  were  compelled  to  play.  Major  Sedgwick  had  also 
become  thoroughly  incensed  at  the  insolence  and  outrages  of 
Colonel  Titus  and  his  gang.  Being  a  soldier  under  orders  he 
could  do  nothing  directly,  but  when  he  learned  that  the  free- 
state  men  were  about  to  take  the  thing  in  hand,  and  clean  out 
the  pestilent  gang,  he  quietly  told  Captain  Walker  a  few  days 
before,  that  if  "they  wanted  to  gobble  up  old  Titus  and  would 
do  it  quickly,  he  did  not  think  he  should  be  able  to  get  over 
in  time  to  hinder  him." 

Colonel  Titus  was  from  Florida.  He  was  a  typical  border 
ruffian.  In  the  pictures  of  him  that  have  come  down  to  us 
he    is    represented    as    a    short,    thick-set   man,    in    his    shirt 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  11 J 

sleeves,  with  a  broad-brim  slouch  hat,  and  his  pants  stuck  in 
his  boots.  He  was  a  swaggering,  blustering  blatherskite, 
whose  insolence  was  more  offensive  than  his  sword.  He  was 
a  thick-necked,  coarse-grained  bully,  and  of  course  a  miser- 
able coward  when  it  came  to  the  test.  He  had  established 
his  fort  at  his  house  in  order  to  harrass  and  annoy  free-state 
people.  He  had  gathered  about  him  a  gang  like  himself,  and 
had  been  the  terror  of  that  whole  region  for  months. 

The  free-state  forces  were  now  under  the  command  of 
Captain  Samuel  Walker,  as  brave  a  man  as  ever  lived,  a  man 
cool  in  counsel  and  wise  in  action.  He  came  to  be  the  trusted 
leader  of  the  free-state  men,  not  only  on  account  of  his  skill, 
but  because  they  could  trust  his  prudence,  and  were  always 
sure  he  would  make  no  rash  or  doubtful  move.  He  came  to 
Kansas  early  in  1854  on  a  tour  of  inspection.  In  1855  he 
returned  bringing  a  large  colony  of  immigrants  from  Ohio 
who  settled  in  the  territory.  He  himself  took  a  claim  seven 
miles  west  of  Lawrence,  where  he  lived  until  he  moved  into 
Lawrence  itself.  His  claim  was  not  very  far  from  Fort  Titus, 
and  soon  after  he  had  located  his  claim  this  same  Colonel 
Titus  called  on  him  and  notified  him  that  ''all  these  nigger 
stealers  must  get  out  of  the  country."  He  gave  him  two 
weeks  to  make  his  exit.  The  next  day  Captain  Walker 
called  his  neighbors  together,  and  they  organized  themselves 
into  a  military  company  which  they  called  the  ''Bloomington 
Guards."  The  pro-slavery  plan  was  to  drive  settlers  off  one 
by  one.  This  organization  was  made  that  they  might  sustain 
each  other.  The  order  of  Titus  was  not  enforced.  This 
company  of  Bloomington  Guards  had  eighty-six  members, 
and  they  were  all  of  the  kind  that  are  not  frightened  by 
bluster.  All  this  drew  upon  Walker  the  special  dislike  of 
Titus.  He  did  not  attack  him,  but  he  endeavored  to  induce 
others  to  do  so.  He  had  printed  a  large  hand-bill  in  which 
he  offered  five  hundred  dollars  for  the  head  of  Samuel  Walker, 


Il8  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

"on  or  off  his  shoulders."  This  hand-bill  was  posted  up  in 
various  places  with  the  evident  intent  of  inducing  some  mad- 
cap to  assasinate  Walker.  It  was  very  natural,  and  very 
fitting  that  Captain  Walker  should  lead  the  attack  on  Titus' 
fort. 

This  attack  was  made  August  i6th.  The  forces  which 
operated  against  Fort  Saunders  August  15th  moved  towards 
Lecompton  during  the  night  and  camped  a  short  distance 
from  the  fort.  Early  in  the  morning  Captain  Henry  J. 
Shombre  started  in  advance  of  the  main  body  with  a  com- 
pany of  cavalry,  in  order  to  surprise  the  fort.  In  the  course 
of  the  attack  Captain  Shombre  was  shot  and  mortally 
wounded.  Captain  Shombre  had  only  been  in  Kansas  about 
three  weeks.  He  came  from  Indiana,  where  he  had  raised  a 
company  of  brave  young  men  to  come  and  help  in  the  Kansas 
struggle.  He  joined  Lane's  party  of  immigrants  in  Iowa  and 
came  with  them.  He  reached  Topeka  August  13th.  Hear- 
ing of  the  troubles  at  Lawrence  he  started  at  once  with  his 
men  and  was  present  at  the  capture  of  Fort  Saunders  the  day 
before  his  death.  He  was  one  of  the  finest  and  bravest 
young  men  that  ever  came  to  the  territory,  and  even  in  the 
few  days  he  was  among  them  he  won  the  affection  and  esteem 
of  the  free-state  people. 

After  their  leader  fell  Captain  Shombre's  men  retired  and 
waited  till  the  main  body  had  come  up.  When  they  came  up 
they  were  so  posted  as  to  prevent  the  escape  of  the  inmates 
of  the  fort.  Firing  then  commenced  and  the  men  inside 
responded  in  a  lively  way.  But  the  bullets  of  the  assailants 
buried  themselves  in  the  logs  of  the  fort  and  had  no  other 
effect.  After  a  little  the  cannon  captured  at  Franklin  was 
brought  into  use  by  Captain  Bickerton,  and  balls  and  slugs 
made  from  the  type  and  printing  presses  of  the  Herald  of 
Freedom  were  poured  into  the  old  building.  This  put  a  new 
face  on  the  affair,  and  a  few  minutes  after  a  white  flag  ap- 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  II9 

peared,  and  the  garrison  of  some  seventeen  men  surrendered. 
Colonel  Titus  crawled  out  of  his  den,  coatless  and  covered 
with  blood.  He  had  received  two  wounds,  one  in  his  hand 
and  the  other  in  his  shoulder.  He  came  out  as  meek  and 
cringing  as  he  had  formerly  been  insolent.  He  begged  pite- 
ously  for  his  life.  He  had  been  such  a  terror  to  the  whole 
country  that  the  men  in  the  free-state  army  had  determined 
to  kill  him.  Many  of  them  had  suffered  from  his  insolence 
and  cruelty.  He  appealed  to  Captain  Walker  to  save  him. 
''You  have  children;  so  have  I;  for  God's  sake,  save  my 
life  !"  Right  before  them  was  one  of  those  hand-bills,  offer- 
ing five  hundred  dollars  for  Walker's  head  ''on  or  off  his 
shoulders."  Walker  saw  it  plastered  on  the  walls  of  the 
cabin  while  he  was  talking  to  him.  But  Walker  was  as 
chivalrous  as  he  was  brave,  and  would  not  strike  a  fallen  foe. 
Some  of  his  men  had  been  so  wrought  up  by  the  outrages 
Titus  had  committed  that  it  was  not  easy  to  restrain  them. 
But  Walker  insisted  that  they  must  not  touch  him,  and  no 
man  raised  his  gun. 

The  casualties  of  this  battle  were  not  numerous.  Two  of 
Titus'  men  were  killed  and  two  wounded,  and  one  free-state 
man  was  killed  and  six  wounded.  The  prisoners  were  taken 
to  Lawrence  and  held  as  "prisoners  of  war." 

The  next  morning  Governor  Shannon,  Major  John  Sedg- 
wick, and  Dr.  A.  Rodrique,  postmaster  at  Lecompton,  went 
to  Lawrence  to  arrange  terms  of  peace  and  secure  the  libera- 
tion of  Titus  and  his  men.  A  correspondent  of  an  eastern 
paper  gives  an  account  of  this  remarkable  incident: 

"Another  Sunday  morning  treaty  with  Shannon.  Gov- 
ernor Shannon,  Dr.  A.  Rodrique,  postmaster,  and  Major 
Sedgwick  have  just  arrived  from  Lecompton.  It  is  supposed 
that  they  have  come  to  demand  the  prisoners.  They  are  now 
closeted  with  the  officers  of  the  free-state  forces.  They  can- 
not have  the  prisoners  without  giving  the  free-state  party  an 
equivalent. 


I20  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

^' Later: — A  treaty  has  been  made,  and  Governor  Shannon, 
after  some  opposition,  has  been  permitted  to  state  what  it  is, 
and  to  make  a  short  speech.  He  said  he  should  leave  us, 
and  he  wanted  to  leave  the  territory  with  the  people  feeling 
better  towards  him,  and  in  a  quiet  state,  to  his  successor.  He 
glorified  the  union  and  thought  we  had  a  glorious  country. 

"The  terms  of  the  treaty  are  substantially  as  follows: 

"  I.  That  they  shall  give  up  to  the  charge  of  Major  Sedgwick,  and  in 
good  condition,  subject  to  the  order  of  Captain  Walker,  the  howitzer  so 
valiantly  surrendered  to  Sheriff  Jones  the  21st  of  May. 

"2.  That  the  prisoners  then  held  in  custody  at  Lecompton,  those 
arrested  by  'Squire  Crane  for  being  connected  with  the  battle  of  Franklin, 
shall  be  released  and  brought  safely  to  Lawrence. 

"  3.     That  all  arms  taken  from  these  and  other  prisoners  shall  be  given  up. 

"4.  That  the  territorial  authorities  should  use  their  power  to  break  up 
these  bands  of  plunderers  and  drive  them  from  the  territory. 

"In  consideration  of  this  the  free-state  men  were  to  deliver 
up  their  prisoners.  They  even  demanded  the  cannon  taken 
at  Franklin.  Major  Sedgwick  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
negotiations,  any  further  than  to  say  to  Shannon  that  it  was 
his  duty  to  make  an  unconditional  demand  for  the  prisoners. 
The  Franklin  prisoners  held  at  Lecompton  were  arrested 
under  legal  process,  as  they  term  it,  yet  they  agreed  to  deliver 
them  up.  What  right  Governor  Shannon  and  Dr.  Aristides 
Rodrique  had  to  do  this  perhaps  a  Philadelphia  lawyer  can 
tell;  we  can't." 

After  the  treaty,  when  Governor  Shannon  desired  to  talk  to 
the  people,  there  was  a  general  growd  of  opposition.  They 
felt  that  he  was  responsible  for  their  troubles,  and  they  had 
suffered  so  much  that  they  were  greatly  embittered.  When 
the  governor  proposed  to  speak  they  gave  a  yell  which 
drowned  his  voice.  They  were  in  an  ugly  frame  of  mind  and 
the  situation  was  alarming.  Captain  Walker  saw  the  danger, 
and  drawing  his  revolver  he  rushed  in  front  of  the  crowd  and 
shouted,  "I  am  with  you,  boys,  but  the  governor  shall  not  be 


DR.  S.   B.    PRENTISS, 

Chairman  First  School  Committei' 


DR.    ALBERT  NEWMAN, 

8;HTt>t!U-v  i'^irst  School  (^)nimittee. 


LATHROP    BQLLENE.  CHAS.    L.    EDWARDS, 

President  of  V\r<A  Ho;inl  of  Education.  I'rincipal  of  First  Hij?h  School. 

EARLY  EDUCATORS  AND  TEACHERS. 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  121 

insulted."     After  that  everything  was  quiet  and  the  governor 
made  his  speech,  in  substance  as  follows: 

"Fellow  Citizens: — I  appear  before  you  under  very  extraordinary  cir- 
cumstances, and  I  ask  your  attention  to  a  few  remarks  in  relation  to  them. 
I  came  down  here  today  for  the  purpose  of  adjusting  these  difficulties,  and  I 
regret  as  much  as  any  man  can  the  existence  of  these  difficulties.  I  wish  to 
set  myself  right  before  the  people  of  Lawrence.  I  have  been  misrepresented 
through  the  press,  and  my  motives  have  either  been  misunderstood  or  pur- 
posely aspersed,  and  things  have  been  said  of  me  which  never  happened.  I 
desire  now  to  say  while  I  remain  in  office,  that  I  have  never  done  a  single 
act  but  what  I  believed  would  best  subserve  the  interests  of  the  whole  people. 
God  knows  I  have  no  ill-feeling  against  any  man  in  the  territory. 

"  I  am  sorry  blood  has  been  shed  here.  In  the  revolution  our  fathers 
from  both  the  North  and  South  fought  and  bled  together,  for  the  same  com- 
mon cause,  the  cause  of  liberty,  and  the  result  was  a  glorious  triumph,  and 
the  security  to  themselves  and  their  posterity  of  their  inalienable  rights.  So 
it  was  in  the  war  of  1812;  so  it  was  in  the  war  with  Mexico,  and  each  time 
the  stars  and  stripes  floated  over  a  conquered  nation.  Shall  we  steep  our 
hands  in  our  brother's  blood?" 

Here  were  cries  from  the  crowd,  ^'Give  us  back  Barber  and 
others  that  have  been  murdered."  ''Order!"  ''Order!" 
"Law  and  order!"  "Don't  insult  the  governor."  "Goon." 
The  governor  resumed  when  quiet  was  restored: 

"I  came  here  for  the  purpose  of  peace,  to  try  and  adjust  a  serious  diffi- 
culty between  the  people  now  in  the  territory.  In  a  few  days  my  successor 
will  be  among  the  people  of  this  territory,  and  I  desire  now  to  say  that  the 
few  days  that  remain  of  my  continuance  in  office  will  be  devoted  to  the  fur- 
therance of  peace  and  harmony,  and  to  carry  out  the  terms  of  the  agree- 
ment which  will  be  the  final  settlement  of  all  strife." 

"Let  us  hear  the  agreement,"  a  voice  cried.  "  I  do  not 
understand  the  terms."  "Let  us  hear  the  terms."  "  Order!" 
"Order!"  "Law  and  order!"  After  quiet  was  again  re- 
stored, the  governor  stated  the  terms  of  the  agreement,  and 
concluded: 

"Fellow  citizens  of  Lawrence,  before  leaving  you  I  desire  to  express  my 
earnest  desire  for  your  health,  happiness,  and  prosperity.     Farewell. 

This  treaty  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  ever  made,  not 


122  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE. 

in  its  terms,  but  in  the  parties  between  whom  it  was  made. 
A  great  nation,  in  the  person  of  Governor  Shannon,  makes 
a  treaty  of  peace  with  a  committee  of  citizens,  stipulating  for 
an  exchange  of  prisoners  and  captured  property,  and  a 
mutual  cessation  of  hostilities.  The  governor  agreed  to  sur- 
render the  cannon  captured  at  the  sacking  of  Lawrence,  and 
the  prisoners  held  for  participating  in  the  various  conflicts, 
and  the  free-state  men  agreed  to  surrender  Titus  and  his  men. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Retaliation. — Governor  Shannon  Resigns. — Woodson  Act- 
ing Governor. — Martial  Law. — Militia  Called  Out. — 
Missouri  Responds. — Twenty-eight  Hundred  March  on 
Lawrence. — Governor  John  W.  Geary  Arrives. — Ap- 
pears IN  Lawrence  with  Troops. — The  Militia  Sent 
Home.  —  ''The  Benign  Influence  of  Peace." 

But  high  as  was  the  authority  making  the  treaty,  the  free- 
state  men  soon  found  it  was  not  high  enough.  They  had 
treated  with  the  governor  of  Kansas  who  represented  the 
government  of  the  United  States,  but  this  did  not  bind  the 
powers  that  were  making  war.  There  was  a  power  behind 
the  throne,  which  was  determined  to  use  the  throne  for  its 
own  purpose  or  else  topple  the  throne  over.  Territorial 
governors  and  judges  and  officials  were  counted  as  instru- 
ments to  accomplish  a  purpose,  and  that  purpose  was  to 
enslave  Kansas.  The  pro-slavery  party  was  above  the  terri- 
torial authorities.  If  they  could  not  control  them  they  could 
change  them.  Every  governor  came  expecting  to  sustain  the 
pro-slavery  policy.  Nearly  every  governor  had  his  eyes 
opened  after  a  short  experience,  and  endeavored  to  do  what 
was  fair  and  just.  And  every  governor  when  he  came  to  this 
position  was  removed.  It  had  been  so  with  Reeder;  it  was 
now  so  with  Shannon.  Reeder  had  fled  from  the  territory 
in  peril  of  his  life.  Shannon  was  more  conservative  and  more 
slow  in  coming  to  his  conclusions,  but  now  his  life  was  threat- 
ened and  he  remained  only  a  few  days  after  the  treaty  of 
August  17th.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  ex-Governor 
Shannon  afterwards  returned  to  Kansas  and  chose  Lawrence 
as  his  home,  and  he  remained  there  the  rest  of  his  life,  held 
in  the  highest  esteem  by  everybody. 

As  was  intimated  above,  the  treaty  of  peace  did  not  bring 


124  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

peace.  The  parties  making  war  were  not  bound  by  it.  The 
free-state  successes  in  capturing  the  strongholds  about  Law- 
rence stirred  up  the  pro-slavery  elements  in  Kansas  and  Mis- 
souri to  the  wildest  frenzy.  Exaggerated  accounts  of  these 
various  affairs  were  published  in  pro-slavery  papers  on  the 
borders,  and  frantic  appeals  made  for  vengeance.  It  was  rep- 
resented that  pro-slavery  men  were  everywhere  being  driven 
from  their  homes,  and  were  in  danger  of  their  lives.  The 
fight  at  Fort  Titus  was  magnified  into  an  all-day  contest  in 
which  the  inmates  manifested  the  greatest  heroism,  and  only 
surrendered  to  the  force  of  overwhelming  numbers.  Titus 
was  a  mart3^r  to  the  truth  in  the  hands  of  men  who  would 
tear  him  in  pieces.  They  pictured  the  country  in  a  state  of 
terror,  men  running  for  their  lives,  women  and  childrdn  flee- 
ing from  their  burning  homes.  They  thus  sought  to  ''fire  the 
southern  heart,"  and  gather  a  force  by  which  they  could  not 
only  be  avenged,  but  recover  the  ground  lost.  The  press  of 
the  border  w^as  lurid  with  descriptions  and  frantic  with  ap- 
peals. Flaring  headlines  announced  the  news:  "Important 
from  Kansas;"  ''Civil  war  and  rebellion;"  "Women  and 
children  fleeing  from  their  houses  for  their  lives. "  It  called 
upon  the  friends  of  slavery  "to  rise  as  one  man  and  put  an 
effectual  quietus  on  the  hired  tools  of  abolition  now  rampant 
over  the  plains  of  Kansas  with  firebrand  and  sabre.  *  *  ^i^ 
To  strangle  the  demon  of  disunion."  The  whole  border  was 
aflame  and  sectional  passion  at  a  white  heat.  Everything 
was  astir  in  Kansas,  too.  Bands  of  armed  men,  of  both 
parties,  were  moving  here  and  there,  endeavoring  to  outwit 
each  other,  and  sometimes  coming  in  conflict  with  each  other, 
but  more  commonly  expending  their  valor  on  defenseless 
people. 

At  this  point  an  event  occured  which  gave  the  pro-slavery 
party  an  advantage,  which  they  were  not  slow  to  improve. 
Governor    Shannon    left    the    territory    August    21st.      Then 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  125 

Daniel  Woodson,  the  secretary  of  the  territory,  became  again 
acting  governor.  He  was  in  full  accord  with  the  pro-slavery 
managers.  He  would  go  with  them  to  the  full  length.  He 
had  no  qualms  of  conscience,  and  no  spasms  of  indecision. 
He  believed  in  the  pro-slavery  policy,  and  he  had  the  courage 
of  his  convictions.  He  believed  the  territorial  laws  were 
valid,  and  he  was  prepared  to  push  that  theory  to  its  logical 
conclusion.  He  stopped  at  no  half-way  measures,  and  shrank 
from  no  appalling  results.  He  had  been  secretary  from  the 
first,  and  had  acted  as  governor  at  each  interregnum.  Every 
time  he  came  to  power  the  pro-slavery  people  had  an  open 
field,  and  carried  things  with  a  high  hand.  They  could  not 
devise  any  plan  for  humiliating  the  free-state  people  which 
Woodson  was  not  ready  to  sanction.  Had  he  been  in  powder 
for  any  length  of  time  it  would  have  changed  the  whole  aspect 
of  affairs.  It  would  have  shortened  the  Kansas  struggle.  It 
might  have  reversed  its  result.  More  likely  it  would  have 
driven  all  the  free-state  men  to  adopt  the  policy  of  John 
Brown,  take  their  rifles  and  fight  it  out  to  ^'the  bitter  end." 
His  term  of  office  was  each  time  short,  and  always  closed  just 
as  his  plans  were  on  the  border  of  full  execution.  In  most 
cases  his  term  of  power  closed  just  at  the  crisis  of  the  emer- 
gency he  had  invoked. 

Secretary  Woodson  assumed  the  office  of  acting  governor 
August  2 1  St.  Four  days  later,  August  25th,  he  issued  a  proc- 
lamation written  with  the  same  carmine  ink  used  in  the  edi- 
torials over  the  border.  He  represented  that  the  '^  territory 
of  Kansas  was  infected  with  large  bodies  of  armed  men,  many 
of  whom  have  just  traveled  from  the  states,  combined  and 
confederated  together,  and  amply  supplied  v/ith  munitions  of 
war;  these  armed  men  had  been  engaged  in  murdering  the 
law-abiding  citizens  of  the  territory,  driving  others  from- 
their  homes,  *  *  *  holding  others  as  prisoners  of  war,  *  *  * 
plundering  property,     *     =f=    *    burning  down  houses,    *     *    * 


126  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

even  robbing  United  States  postoffices,  *  *  *  and  all  this  for 
the  purpose  of  subverting  by  force  and  violence  the  govern- 
ment established  by  the  law  of  congress  in  the  territory." 

"Now  therefore,  I,  Daniel  Woodson,  acting  governor  of 
the  territory  of  Kansas,  do  hereby  issue  my  proclamation, 
declaring  the  said  territory  of  Kansas  to  be  in  an  open  state 
of  insurrection  and  rebellion;  and  I  do  hereby  call  upon  all 
law-abiding  citizens  of  the  territory  to  rally  to  the  support  of 
the  territory  and  its  laws,  and  require  and  command  all 
officers,  civil  and  military,  and  call  all  other  citizens  of  the 
territory,  to  aid  and  assist,  by  all  means  in  their  power,  in 
putting  down  the  insurrectionists,  and  bringing  to  condign 
punishment  all  persons  engaged  with  them,  to  the  end  of  in- 
suring immunity  from  violence,  and  full  protection  to  the 
persons,  property  and  civil  rights  of  all  peaceable  and  law- 
abiding  inhabitants  of  the  territory." 

This  proclamation,  like  most  of  its  predecessors,  was  not 
intended  for  home  consumption.  It  was  intended  for  use 
across  the  border,  and  to  furnish  a  cover  under  which  Mis- 
sourians  could  march  in  again  and  help  to  settle  the  affairs  of 
their  neighbors.  There  was  a  great  eagerness  in  Missouri  to 
respond  to  this  appeal  from  the  governor,  and  a  great  rush  to 
be  enrolled  in  the  militia  of  Kansas  territory.  As  Charles 
Robinson  says  in  his  ''Conflict"  : 

''Guerrilla  bands  of  pro-slavery  men  infested  the  territory 
as  if  by  magic.  Intercourse  with  Leavenworth  was  cut  off, 
and  the  beleaguered  town  of  Lawrence  was  nearly  destitute 
of  provisions  as  well  as  ammunition.  Men  unarmed  and  de- 
fenseless were  shot  down  like  dogs,  and  in  one  instance  at 
least  scalped.      All  appeals  to  Woodson  were  in  vain." 

An  army  was  gathering  on  the  eastern  border.  All  the 
"tried  and  true"  pro-slavery  leaders  were  in  it.  There  was 
Atchison  and  Reed,  and  other  large  fish  and  small  fry,  all 
helping  to  increase  the  tumult.      The  army  marched  on  Osa- 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  1 27 

watomie,  which,  next  to  Lawrence,  was  the  most  hated  place 
in  the  territory.  They  easily  captured  this  place,  and,  after 
pillaging  it,  burnt  the  town.  Six  free-state  men  lost  their 
lives,  and  nobody  has  ever  been  able  to  ascertain  how  many 
were  killed  on  the  other  side. 

But  in  these  affairs  they  only  "tried  their  'prentice  hand." 
Their  masterpiece  was  to  be  the  destruction  of  Lawrence. 
Without  that  their  victory  would  be  incomplete.  As  their 
force  increased  they  prepared  for  the  supreme  effort.  Law- 
rence, meanwhile,  was  poorly  prepared  to  resist.  The  fortifi- 
cations which  had  been  thrown  up  the  year  before  had  been 
largely  broken  down.  The  town  had  been  demoralized  by 
the  sacking  of  the  place  in  May.  The  men,  too,  were  scat- 
tered. Even  the  "Stubbs,"  the  favorite  rifle  company  of 
Lawrence,  was  just  then  absent  on  some  mission  at  Hickory 
Point.  The  free-state  men  to  the  north  and  west  of  Leaven- 
worth had  been  driven  from  their  claims  by  bands  of  pro- 
slavery  maurauders  who  were  roving  about  the  country. 
These  refugees,  under  the  lead  of  such  men  as  Hon.  F.  G. 
Adams,  now  of  the  State  Historical  Society,  were  anxious  to 
recover  their  claims  and  return  to  their  homes.  They  called 
upon  Topeka  and  Lawrence  for  help,  and  were  planning  to 
march  to  Leavenworth  to  recover  their  claims,  and  if  possible 
deliver  that  town  from  border  ruffian  rule.  On  account  of 
this  disturbed  condition  towards  the  north,  the  "Stubbs" 
had  marched  over  towards  Hickory  Point,  and  a  series  of 
skermishes  took  place.  For  this  reason  the  best  organized 
and  best  equipped  company  of  Lawrence  was  away  just  at  the 
crisis  of  affairs.  There  were  only  about  three  hundred  men 
available  about  Lawrence,  and  not  more  than  fifty  of  these 
were  armed  with  Sharp's  rifles. 

An  encouraging  event,  however,  occurred  about  this  time; 
that  was  the  release  of  the  free-state  prisoners  at  Lecompton. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  these  prisoners  were  the  leaders 


128  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

of  the  free-state  cause,  and  many  of  them  belonged  in  Law- 
rence,  such  as  Dr.  Robinson,  G.  W.  Deitzler,  G.  W.  Brown, 
Gains  Jenkins,  and  others.  Amos  A.  Lawrence,  of  Boston, 
after  whom  the  town  was  named,  was  an  old  time  friend  of 
Dr.  Robinson.  He  was  also  a  personal  friend  of  President 
Pierce.  He  exerted  all  the  influence  he  could  bring  to  bear 
to  induce  the  president  to  order  the  release  of  the  prisoners- 
on  bail.  After  a  long  delay  the  president  consented  and 
and  ordered  their  release.  They  were  ''turned  loose,"  as  one 
of  them  expressed  it,  September  loth,  and  w^ent  to  Lawrence 
where  they  were  received  with  great  rejoicing.  Having  been 
in  prison  four  months,  however,  they  could  not  do  much 
towards  the  defense  of  the  town  in  the  short  time  remaining. 
Another  event  favorable  to  the  free-state  cause,  and  really 
the  turning  point  of  the  occasion,  was  the  appointment  of 
John  W.  Geary  as  governor.  The  pro-slavery  people  were 
clamoring  for  a  pro-slavery  governor.  They  would  have  been 
contented  with  the  promotion  of  Woodson,  as  he  would  have 
served  their  purpose.  But  they  wanted  a  man  who  knew 
the  situation,  and  one  whom  they  could  trust.  They  did  not 
want  another  Reeder  who  would  go  over  to  the  enemy  as  soon 
as  he  found  the  kind  of  work  they  were  doing.  They  did  not 
want  another  Shannon  who  should  fail  them  just  in  the  nick 
of  time.  They  wanted  a  man  who  not  only  sympathized  with 
their  general  purpose,  but  who  would  carry  out  their  policv  to 
the  final  issue;  a  man  whose  nerve  would  not  give  out  when 
he  came  to  the  hard  places.  With  such  a  man  they  felt  they 
could  drive  the  free-state  men  from  the  territory.  The  border 
press  gave  the  administration  any  amount  of  good  advice  on 
this  point.  Their  ablest  editorials  were  constructed  with  a 
view  of  convincing  the  president  and  his  advisers  of  their 
duty  in  the  matter.  But  it  fortunately  happened  that  the 
administration  had  reasons  for  really  desiring  to  quiet  affairs 
in  Kansas.     In  fact  it  was  a  political  necessity  that  this  should 


l^]7.7AK    (HASKELL)    FRENCH.  LUCY    (VVILDER)    WOODWARD. 

FIRST  TEACHERS  IN  CITY  SCHOOLS. 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  1 29 

be  done,  and  done  at  once.  A  presidential  election  was 
coming  off  in  November.  The  Kansas  troubles  were  working 
havoc  in  the  democratic  party.  They  were  indeed  becoming 
more  disastrous  to  that  party  than  to  the  free-state  party  in 
the  territory.  In  fact  they  were  bringing  about  that  great 
political  revolution  which  four  years  later  swept  the  country 
from  ocean  to  ocean.  Even  southern  leaders,  such  as  Jeffer- 
son Davis  who  was  secretary  of  war,  saw  that  it  would  be 
better  to  quiet  Kansas  for  a  time  at  least  than  to  be  hurled 
from  power  altogether  and  lose  everything  they  were  con- 
tending for.  The  choice  fell  on  John  W.  Geary,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. He  was  strictly  charged  that  he  must  restore  peace  in 
Kansas  at  all  hazards.  The  administration  promised  to 
support  him  to  the  full  extent  of  its  power.  Governor  Geary 
had  been  in  the  California  troubles  with  Dr.  Robinson,  and 
knew  something  of  what  the  task  meant.  He  was  a  man  of 
ability,  with  great  executive  force,  and  infinite  conceit  of 
himself.  He  was  a  man  of  good  judgment  and  right  in- 
stincts. He  arrived  at  Leavenworth  September  9th.  He 
issued  at  once  a  proclamation.  In  this  he  stated,  ''that  the 
employment  of  militia  was  not  authorized  by  his  instructions 
except  upon  the  requisition  of  the  commander  of  the  military 
department. 

''That  an  authorized  regular  force  had  been  placed  at  his 
disposal  to  insure  the  execution  of  the  laws: 

"Therefore  he  declared  that  the  services  of  such  volunteer 
militia  were  no  longer  required,  and  they  were  ordered  to  be 
immediately  discharged. 

"  He  further  commanded  that  all  bodies  of  men,  combined, 
armed  and  equipped  with  munitions  of  war,  instantly  disband 
or  quit  the  territory,  or  they  will  answer  the  contrary  at  their 
peril."  • 

Governor  Geary  reached  Lecompton  September  loth,  and 
this  proclamation  was   issued  the  next  day.      There  could  not 


130  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

be  much  doubt  about  the  meaning  of  it.  It  was  certainly 
couched  in  very  plain  English.  The  free-state  men  would 
have  obeyed  at  once,  if  they  could  have  been  assured  that  it 
was  meant  for  both  parties.  But  they  had  been  accustomed 
to  proclamations  that  were  intended  for  free-state  men.  Pro- 
slavery  offenses  were  winked  at  while  free-state  offenders  were 
pursued  to  the  death.  They  feared  to  lay  down  their  arms 
until  they  knew  that  the  governor  would  require  the  same 
of  the  other  side. 

The  pro-slavery  army  took  no  notice  of  it.  They  too  had 
been  accustomed  to  proclamations  that  were  expected  to 
apply  only  to  free-state  men.  They  moved  right  on,  there- 
fore, just  as  if  no  new  governor  had  come,  and  no  new 
proclamation  had  been  issued.  The  army  had  swelled  by 
this  time  to  some  twenty-eight  hundred  men.  It  was  the 
largest,  best  organized  and  best  equipped  army  that  had  ever 
come  up  from  Missouri.  Had  they  moved  forward  promptly 
they  could  have  destroyed  Lawrence  before  relief  could  reach 
the  place.  Procrastination  proved  the  thief  he  always  is,  and 
stole  their  opportune  time  from  them. 

September  14th  the  enemy  began  to  approach  Lawrence. 
Preparations  were  at  once  made  for  defense.  A  body  of 
armed  men  were  placed  on  the  circular  earthworks  at  the 
corner  of  Massachusetts  and  Henry  streets.  Another  on 
Rhode  Island  street,  and  others  in  other  sections.  The 
Stubbs  and  most  of  the  best  armed  men  were  away,  and  the 
prospect  for  defense  did  not  seem  very  flattering.  About  the 
middle  of  the  afternoon  the  word  went  over  the  town,  ''they 
are  coming."  Captain  Cracklin  was  charged  with  the  duty 
of  going  out  to  see  who  had  come  and  what.  In  a  letter  he 
tells  the  story  of  his  effort: 

"I  went  for  the  Stubbs  but  found  they  had  disobeyed  orders  and  left 
town  with  Colonel  Harvey.  I  regretted  this  very  much.  I  then  hunted  the 
Wabaunsee  rifles.  As  I  was  returning  I  heard  some  cry  out,  "  there  they 
come."     I  stopped,  turned  my  eyes  in  the  direction  of  Franklin,  and  I  saw 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  I3I 

a  large  body  of  horse-men  going  towards  Mr.  Haskell's.  I  immediately 
started  on  the  run  for  the  "Wabaunsee  boys  and  told  them  to  follow  me;  and 
then  started  on  a  dog  trot  towards  the  cabin  of  John  Speer,  and  halted  a 
short  distance  from  it  on  top  of  a  ridge.  At  the  time  I  halted,  the  enemy 
had  passed  into  the  timber  beyond  Haskell's.  Supposing  it  their  intention 
to  pass  into  the  bottom  and  approach  the  town  from  that  direction,  I  con- 
cluded to  wait  where  I  was  till  they  showed  themselves,  feeling  sure  that 
with  them  in  the  bottom,  I  would  have  the  advantage  of  position,  and  could 
attack  them  with  a  plunging  fire.  I  was  disappointed,  however.  In  a  few 
minutes  they  made  their  appearance,  coming  out  of  the  timber  and  heading 
towards  us.  As  soon  as  they  got  in  range  I  ordered  the  boys  to  open  fire. 
They  had  not  fired  more  than  a  dozen  shots,  when  looking  towards  the  town 
I  saw  quite  a  number  of  men  on  the  rnn  to  our  assistance.  In  the  mean- 
time the  enemy  had  disappeared  in  a  hollow  or  ravine.  As  fast  as  my 
friends  arrived  I  placed  them  in  line  until  my  force  amounted  to  fifty-eight. 
I  sent  Ed.  Bond  to  see  what  the  enemy  was  doing.  We  watched  him  until 
he  arrived  at  the  entrance  of  the  ravine  where  the  enemy  were  concealed, 
when  he  stopped,  leveled  his  rifle  and  fired.  He  then  put  spurs  to  his  horse 
and  galloped  back.  He  reported  them  in  the  ravine  at  a  halt,  some  of  them 
dismounted.  I  then  ordered  a  forward  movement,  with  my  line  extended 
as  skirmishers.  We  had  a  space  of  half  or  three-quarters  of  a  mile  to  cross 
before  we  would  reach  the  ridge  that  separated  us  from  the  enemy.  On 
reaching  it  we  discovered  them  just  going  out  of  the  upper  end  of  the  ravine 
in  the  direction  of  Hanscom's  farm.  I  ordered  the  boys  to  open  fire  and 
load  and  fire  at  will.  Our  whole  line  immediately  commenced  blazing  away. 
They  fired  several  shots  in  return  but  they  fell  short.  One  of  their  men 
was  seen  to  fall  near  Mr.  Hanscom's  fence.  They  put  spurs  to  their  horses 
and  galloped  towards  Franklin." 

This  ended  the  contest  for  the  day.  But  this  was  only  the 
advance  sent  ahead  to  feel  the  way.  The  army  was  behind 
and  was  coming.  The  spirited  manner  in  which  the  advance 
was  met  probably  kept  them  from  attacking  in  force  that  day. 
If  they  had  done  so  they  could  easily  have  captured  the  town. 
But  by  waiting  a  day  they  lost  their  opportunity. 

During  the  day  dispatches  had  been  sent  to  Governor  Geary 
at  Lecompton  apprising  him  of  the  seriousness  of  the  situa- 
tion. He  immediately  sent  Colonel  Johnson  with  a  force  of 
artillery  and  cavalry   to   Lawrence.      They  arrived  during  the 


132  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

night,  and  posted  their  cannon  on  Mount  Oread,  while  the 
dragoons  took  their  place  south  of  town.  In  the  morning  as 
the  citizens  arose,  they  beheld  the  stars  and  stripes  floating 
on  Mount  Oread,  and  cannon  bristling  from  its  summit,  while 
the  dragoons  lay  between  them  and  the  enemy.  The  sensa- 
tion of  relief  and  thankfulness  which  came  over  them  was 
something  never  to  be  forgotten.  A  gentleman  who  was  there 
said  to  the  writer  of  this  that  ''words  could  not  express  our 
feelings  towards  those  soldiers  coming  thus  in  the  nick  of 
time  to  our  relief.  United  States  soldiers  had  never  helped 
us  before.  They  had  always  been  with  our  enemies."  They 
were  not  willingly  with  the  enemy,  but  they  were  under  orders. 
The  orders  were  given  by  the  territorial  authorities,  and  the 
territorial  authorities  carried  out  the  policy  of  the  pro-slavery 
party.  If  there  was  an  annoying,  exasperating  process  to  be 
served  a  few  United  States  soldiers  were  sent  with  the  ofBcers. 
Then  the  free-state  people  could  do  no  other  than  submit,  no 
matter  how  unjust  or  how  malicious  the  process  might  be. 
Under  no  circumstances  would  free-state  men  resist  United 
States  soldiers.  When  bands  of  pro-slavery  men  were  roam- 
ing about  the  country,  plundering  and  murdering,  and  keeping 
the  whole  community  in  terror,  the  officials  never  knew  of  it 
till  it  w^as  too  late  to  interfere.  But  if  free-state  men  under- 
took any  counter  movement,  the  officials  learned  of  it  with 
surprising  promptness,  and  United  States  troops  were  sent 
''to  disperse  the  outlaws."  Many  of  their  plans  of  annoy- 
ance would  have  failed  but  for  the  use  they  could  make  of 
these  United  States  troops.  Yet  the  troops  themselves  had 
no  sympathy  with  the  policy  they  were  compelled  to  support, 
and  often  despised  the  work  they  were  compelled  to  do.  But 
they  were  true  soldiers,  and  obeyed  orders,  and  often  did 
good  by  their  impartiality,  and  prevented  unauthorized  out- 
rages such  as  were  often  committed  by  volunteer  posses, 
under  the    charge   of    territorial   officers.      The  soldiers  bore 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  1 33 

themselves  admirably,  and  won  the  highest  regard  of  all  the 
free-state  men,  notwithstanding  the  part  they  were  compelled 
to  play.  After  all  this  experience  it  was  a  new  sensation 
.which  the  people  of  Lawrence  felt  that  morning,  when  they 
saw  that  these  brave  soldiers  had  actually  come  to  their 
assistance  in  the  hour  of  great  peril. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  September  15th,  Governor  Geary 
followed  the  troops  and  came  to  Lawrence.  He  found  the 
men  all  under  arms  expecting  the  army  from  below.  He 
promised  them  full  protection,  and  advised  them  to  go  to 
their  homes  and  resume  their  ordinary  business.  Trusting 
his  word,  they  were  thankful  and  rejoiced  in  the  sense  of 
security. 

The  governor  pushed  on  at  once  for  Franklin,  where  the 
invading  army  was  encamped.  Before  he  reached  Franklin 
he  met  the  advance  guard  already  on  their  way.  He  asked 
them  who  they  were,  and  what  they  proposed  to  do.  They 
replied  that  they  were  '^the  territorial  militia  called  into 
service  by  the  governor  of  Kansas,  and  they  were  marching 
to  wipe  out  Lawrence,  and  every  abolitionist  in  the  country." 
He  informed  them  that  ''he  was  now  governor  of  Kansas, 
and  commander-in-chief  of  the  militia,"  and  he  ordered  the 
officer  to  turn  his  troops  about,  and  march  back  to  camp. 
There  was  a  good  deal  of  grumbling,  and  some  hesitation, 
but  they  soon  ordered  a  right  about  face,  and  conducted  the 
governor  to  the  main  body.  Dr.  J.  H.  Gihon,  Governor 
Geary's  private  secretary,  gives  a  full  description  of  the  scene: 

''There  in  battle  array  were  ranged  at  least  three  thousand 
armed  and  desperate  men.  They  were  not  dressed  in  the 
usual  habiliments  of  soldiers,  but  in  every  imaginable  cos- 
tume that  could  be  obtained  in  that  region.  Scarcely  two 
presented  the  same  appearance,  while  all  exhibited  a  ruffianly 
aspect.  Most  of  them  were  mounted,  and  manifested  an  un- 
mistakable disposition  to  be  at  their  bloody  work.     *    *    *    j^ 


134  ^    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

passing  along  the  lines,  rumors  of  discontent  and  savage 
threats  of  assassination  fell  on  the  governor's  ears,  but  heed- 
less of  these  *  *  *  he  proceeded  to  the  headquarters  of  the 
leaders." 

The  governor  summoned  the  officers  together  and  addressed 
them  in  a  very  adroit  way,  and  explained  the  situation  and 
his  own  policy,  and  then  ordered  them  to  disperse.  There 
were  some  mutterings,  and  even  a  suggestion  that  they  should 
pitch  into  the  United  States  troops,  and  go  on  and  finish  their 
job.  But  this  was  only  the  bluster  of  disappointment,  and 
the  wiser  ones  saw  the  folly  of  attempting  to  go  forward.  In 
a  little  while  the  whole  army  was  on  its  way  home  to  Missouri. 

They  went  away  in  a  sullen  mood,  and  in  anything  but  a 
peaceable  spirit.  They  stole  horses  and  cattle  on  the  way, 
and  made  free  with  whatever  they  found.  This  could  have 
been  endured,  for  it  was  soon  to  end.  But  some  of  them  did 
not  confine  their  depredations  to  cattle  and  horses.  A  com- 
pany of  Kickapoo  Rangers  went  home  by  way  of  Lecompton, 
crossing  the  Kansas  river  at  that  place,  and  going  north. 
They  were  not  in  a  hurry  either.  September  17th,  two  days 
after  the  army  disbanded,  they  were  going  towards  Lecomp- 
ton some  seven  miles  from  Lawrence.  Here  they  came  upon 
David  C.  Buffam,  working  with  his  team.  Buffam  had  come 
to  Kansas  with  the  second  party  in  1854.  While  guarding 
one  of  the  forts  in  Lawrence  he  was  accidently  wounded  in 
the  thigh,  and  was  crippled  for  life.  He  afterwards  went  on 
a  farm  where  this  gang  of  desperadoes  found  him.  They 
wanted  his  horse.  He  protested  against  it,  and  told  them 
'^  he  was  a  cripple,  a  poor  lame  man;  that  he  had  an  aged 
father,  a  deaf  and  dumb  brother,  and  two  sisters  dependent 
on  him,  and  he  was  dependent  on  his  horses  to  make  a  living.  " 
His  pleading  enraged  them,  and  one  of  them  siezed  him  by 
the  shoulder  with  one  hand  and  shot  him  with  the  other. 
They  then  took  his  horse  and  left  him  to  die.      A  few  minutes 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION,  I35 

after  Governor  Geary  and  Judge  Cato  came  along  where  he 
was  lying.  They  dismounted  and  came  up  and  heard  the 
dying  man's  story.  The  governor  was  so  much  moved  that 
he  asked  Judge  Cato  to  take  the  poor  man's  dying  deposition. 

On  his  return  to  Lecompton  the  governor  had  a  warrant 
sworn  out  for  the  arrest  of  the  murderer,  and  placed  it  in  the 
hands  of  the  marshal.  The  marshal  had  been  remarkably 
vigorous  in  the  arrest  of  free-state  men  on  all  sorts  of  charges, 
but  he  was  not  able  to  find  the  murderer  of  Buffam,  and  so 
reported.  The  governor  by  this  time  began  to  grow  angry, 
and  offered  a  reward  of  five  hundred  dollars  for  the  arrest  oi 
the  murderer.  Some  weeks  after  he  learned  that  the  man, 
whose  name  was  Hays,  was  living  in  Atchison  county,  and  he 
at  once  ordered  his  arrest,  and  he  was  indicted  on  the  charge 
of  murder  in  the  first  degree.  But  a  week  later  Judge  Le- 
compte  released  him  on  bail.  The  governor  was  thoroughly 
enraged  at  the  unwarranted  interference,  and  had  Hays 
arrested  again.  But  Judge  Lecompte  again  released  him 
on  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  This  was  the  end  of  the  case,  as 
the  governor  saw  he  was  dealing  with  men  who  would  go  to 
any  extreme  to  carry  their  point. 

Another  incident  which  illustrated  the  same  thing  was  the 
misfortune  which  befell  the  '' Stubbs,"  the  favorite  military 
company  of  Lawrence.  As  was  said  they  were  not  present 
when  the  Missourians  came  up.  They  had  been  ordered  by 
Colonel  Lane  to  go  to  Hickory  Point,  where  a  number  of  pro- 
slavery  men  had  fortified  themselves  in  a  log  house.  Under  the 
command  of  Colonel  J.  A.  Harvey  they  and  others  made  an 
attack  September  14th  and  kept  up  the  firing  for  several 
hours.  Then  the  pro-slavery  party  surrendered.  There  had 
been  one  pro-slavery  man  killed,  and  several  on  both  sides 
wounded.  The  prisoners  were  at  once  released,  and  the  free- 
state  men  started  home.  On  their  way  home  they  were  met 
by  a  body  of  United  States  troops  and  made  prisoners.    They 


136  'A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

considered  their  capture  as  a  trivial  affair,  and  went  on  cheer- 
fully with  their  captors.  They  expected  nothing  more  seri- 
ous than  a  little  delay.  But  when  they  reached  Lecompton 
they  were  put  under  arrest  and  kept  as  prisoners  waiting  an 
examination.  They  were  given  poor  shelter  and  poor  rations, 
and  their  examination  was  provokingly  delayed.  When  an 
examination  was  at  last  accorded  them,  they  w^ere  indicted 
for  murder,  and  Judge  Cato  refused  to  admit  them  to  bail. 
They  received  their  trial  in  October.  Some  w^ere  acquitted, 
and  some  convicted  of  varying  degrees  of  crime.  Those  con- 
victed were  kept  in  prison,  and  Sheriff  Jones  wished  to  sub- 
ject them  to  still  greater  indignity  by  putting  balls  and  chains 
upon  them.  Governor  Geary,  how^ever,  refused  to  furnish 
these  articles  of  footgear,  and  they  were  spared  this  outrage. 
The  officer  put  in  charge  of  them,  however,  was  kind  to  them, 
and  let  them  go  about  as  they  pleased  on  their  word  of  honor 
that  they  would  return.  A  southern  gentleman  visiting  Le- 
compton wished  to  see  these  prisoners  of  whom  he  had  heard 
such  dreadful  stories.  The  governor  pointed  out  to  him 
where  they  were,  and  he  walked  over.  Not  seeing  any 
frowning  prison  he  inquired  of  two  men,  who  were  pitching 
quoits,  where  the  prison  was.  They  pointed  to  an  old  tum- 
bled down,  house  without  windows  or  doors,  and  informed  him 
that  that  was  the  prison.  He  was  astonished  at  the  prison, 
and  said  he  wanted  to  see  the  prisoners. 

''Well,  I  am  one  of  them,  and  that  is  another,"  pointing  to 
his  companion. 

''But  do  they  allow  convicted  murderers  to  go  about  in 
this  way,  without  a  guard  to  watch  them?" 

"Oh,  yes.  They  used  to  send  a  guard  when  we  went  over 
to  the  legislature,  to  protect  us  from  the  members;  but  it  was 
too  much  trouble  and  expense,  and  they  told  us  we  must  pro- 
tect ourselves." 

"But  why  don't  you  run  away?" 


PAUL    R.    BROOKS, 

First  Gem'ral  Merchandise. 


J.    G.    SANDS, 

First  Saddler. 


ROBERT    L.    FRAZER, 

First  .Teweler. 


FIRST  MERCHANTS  IN  LAWRENCE. 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  1 37 

'<We  have  often  been  urged  to  do  that,  but  these  rascally- 
legislators  have  been  threatening  to  kill  the  governor,  so  we 
propose  to  stay  here  and  watch  them  and  protect  him." 

On  the  second  day  of  March,  1857,  the  governor  pardoned 
the  whole  lot,  in  compliance  with  numerous  petitions  to  that 
effect.  He  pardoned  them  on  the  ground  that  ''the  offense 
for  which  they  were  convicted  was  committed  in  a  political 
contention  in  which  most  of  the  people  were  engaged;  that 
while  others  more  guilty  were  still  at  large,  they  had  been 
punished  sufficiently  already,  and  that  their  further  punish- 
ment would  neither  subserve  the  ends  of  justice  nor  the  inter- 
ests of  the  territory. "  So  after  nearly  six  months  the  ' '  Stubbs  " 
were  all"  at  home  again.  They  had  conducted  themselves 
manfully  during  the  whole  trying  experience,  and  had  won 
the  entire  confidence  of  their  keepers,  Captain  Hampton  and 
his  men. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

The  Bogus  Legislature  Again. — Governor  Geary  Comes 
INTO  Collision  with  It. — He  is  Bitterly  Assailed  by 
Pro-Slavery  Leaders. — Resigns  in  March. — Walker 
AND  Stanton. — Peace  and  Progress  and  Prosperity.- — 
Lawrence  and  her  Voluntary  City  Government. — 
Martial  Law  Once  More. 

After  the  ''army  of  invasion"  had  left,  September  15th, 
1856,  Governor  Geary  continued  his  effort  at  restoring  peace 
and  order.  He  commanded  all  bodies  of  armed  men  to  dis- 
band, and  promised  protection  to  all  alike.  As  soon  as  they 
were  convinced  that  he  meant  what  he  said  the  free-state  men 
acquiesced  cheerfully  in  his  policy.  They  only  wanted  quiet 
and  fair  play.  In  a  few  weeks  order  was  restored,  and  every- 
body could  go  peaceably  about  his  work.  But  the  gover- 
nor's attempts  to  administer  equal  justice  and  secure  fair  play 
for  all  w^ere  not  well  received  by  his  own  political  associates. 
A  man  who  insisted  on  fair  play  was  not  at  all  to  their  mind. 
They  distrusted  him  from  the  first.  They  had  not  been  con- 
sulted in  his  appointment,  and  their  advice  as  to  what  kind  of 
a  governor  was  needed  had  been  entirely  disregarded.  When 
they  found  him  trying  to  give  justice  to  free-state  and  pro- 
slavery  men  alike,  they  had  no  further  use  for  him.  They 
began  at  first  to  embarrass  him,  and  then  openly  to  antagonize 
him.  During  the  session  of  the  legislature  the  following  win- 
ter he  was  in  conflict  with  them  continually.  He  sought  to 
procure  legislation  that  would  promote  peace  and  order, 
while  they  were  aiming  at  legislation  that  would  favor  their 
own  idea  and  desire.  He  vetoed  several  of  their  bills,  but  they 
passed  them  over  his  veto.  The  feeli-ng  ran  so  high  that  his 
life  was  several  times  threatened,  and  he  began  to  be  in  con- 
stant fear  of  violence.      To  make  matters  worse,  he  began  to 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  1 39 

discover  that  they  had  been  working  against  him  at  Washing- 
ton, and  that  the  national  administration  had  deserted  him. 
When  things  seemed  threatening  and  he  asked  for  troops  to 
maintain  peace,  he  was  coolly  informed  that  ''there  were  no 
troops  available  for  that  purpose."  When  he  first  came  the 
administration  answered  all  his  requisitions  promptly,  and  to 
the  full  extent.  Now  there  "were  no  troops  available."  Of 
course  he  knew  what  that  meant.  When  he  first  came  to 
Kansas  a  national  election  was  impending,  and  he  was  urged 
to  ''quiet  Kansas  at  any  cost."  Now  the  election  had  been 
held,  the  administration  had  been  successful,  and  peace  in 
Kansas  was  no  longer  essential  to  them. 

As  pro-slavery  men  deserted  the  governor  free-state  men 
rallied  about  him.  They  even  offered  to  furnish  a  military 
guard  when  United  States  troops  were  refused  him.  But  this 
he  wisely  declined.  The  free-state  men  had  predicted  what 
the  outcome  would  be  if  he  adhered  to  his  policy  of  equal 
justice.  One  day  in  the  previous  autumn,  when  he  was  dis- 
coursing confidently  as  to  what  he  was  going  to  do.  Captain 
Walker,  who  was  present,  said  to  him,  "We  like  your  talk 
first  rate,  but  I  predict  that  you  will  take  the  underground 
railroad  out  of  Kansas  in  less  than  six  months."  His  words 
were  prophetic.  The  breach  between  him  and  the  pro-slavery 
leaders  grew  wider  and  wider,  and  the  conflict  more  and  more 
bitter.  He  worried  through  the  winter,  and  had  a  stormy  time 
during  the  session  of  the  legislature.  They  were  many  of 
them  rough  men,  living  in  a  rough  time,  and  desperate.  By 
spring  the  strain  of  the  conflict  had  become  unendurable,  and 
March  4th  he  sent  in  his  resignation.  Before  his  resignation 
became  known  in  Kansas,  he  had  quietly  left  the  territory,  and 
never  returned.  Only  a  few  trusted  friends  knew  the  purpose 
of  his  departure.  He  feared  to  have  his  resignation  known 
until  he  himself  was  out  of  reach. 

Governor  Geary  had  proved  himself  the  man   for  the  time. 


140  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

Personally  he  fared  just  as  the  free-state  people  predicted, 
and  just  as  his  predecessors  had  fared.  The  moment  it  was 
discovered  that  he  would  not  concede  all  the  pro-slavery 
leaders  demanded,  they  forsook  him;  and  when  they  forsook 
him  the  administration  at  Washington  forsook  him  also.  He 
came  to  Kansas  with  the  sound  of  trumpets,  and  w^ith  the 
tread  of  a  conquering  hero.  He  left  Kansas  six  months  later 
in  the  night,  careful  that  even  his  footsteps  should  not  be 
heard.  He  had  added  largely  to  his  stock  of  experience,  but 
his  stock  of  conceit  had  been  very  materially  reduced.  He 
came  with  the  sense  of  victory,  and  left  with  the  sense  of 
failure.  But  his  administration  was  not  a  failure.  It  was  a 
very  marked  success.  He  accomplished  what  he  set  out  to 
do.  He  found  the  territory  in  a  state  of  civil  war  and  on  the 
eve  of  a  great  calamity.  He  restored  and  maintained  order 
throughout  all  the  lahd,  and  in  his  own  favorite  phrase,  he 
gave  the  people  ''the  benign  influences  of  peace."  And  peace 
was  what  Kansas  needed.  She  was  weary  of  war  and  worn 
out  of  the  conflict.  And  the  peace  that  came  with  his  admin- 
istration came  to  stay,  and  continued  to  reign  when  he  was 
gone.  There  were  local  disturbances  and  local  outrages  after 
that,  but  the  territory  as  a  whole  was  quiet  and  its  people 
were  permitted  to  prosper,  with  no  one  to  molest  them  or 
make  them  afraid. 

Lawrence  enjoyed  to  the  full  extent  the  peace  that  came  to 
her  when  the  "army"  left.  She  had  known  no  quiet  since 
early  spring.  Much  of  the  time  business  was  practically  sus- 
pended, and  some  of  the  time  the  people  were  in  danger  of 
famine.  There  could  be  no  improvement  made  and  no  prog- 
ress. These  few  weeks  of  quiet  before  winter,  were  much 
appreciated,  and  very  necessary  for  preparation  for  the  winter's 
comfort.  There  was  not  much  building  going  on,  but  every- 
body did  his  utmost  to  repair  the  damages  of  the  summer, 
and  to  get  ready  for  the  cold  of  winter. 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  I4I 

After  the  resignation  of  Governor  Geary,  President  Bu- 
chanan took  a  month  to  consider  the  question  of  a  successor. 
April  loth  he  appointed  Robert  J.  Walker,  of  Mississippi, 
governor  and  Frederick  P.  Stanton,  of  Washington,  secretary 
of  the  territory.  Walker  had  been  in  the  senate  a  number  of 
years,  and  was  secretary  of  the  treasury  under  President  Polk. 
He  was  a  man  of  prominence  and  6i  high  character.  Stanton 
was  younger  but  scholarly  and  forceful,  an  able  lawyer,  and 
in  every  way  an  admirable  man.  He  was  an  eloquent 
speaker,  with  a  rich  voice,  and  a  fine  presence.  He  came 
out  at  once,  while  Walker  did  not  come  till  May.  Stanton 
arrived  at  Leavenworth  April  13th  and  issued  an  address 
setting  forth  ''his  policy,"  as  acting  governor.  He  was  par- 
ticular to  emphasize  the  idea  that  the  laws  of  the  territorial 
legislature  would  be  enforced.  This  pleased  the  pro-slavery 
crowd,  but  set  the  teeth  of  the  free-state  men  on  edge.  They 
feared  a  renewal  of  the  scenes  of  the  previous  year.  Soon 
after  this  he  went  to  Lawrence  and  addressed  the  people. 
His  speech  very  adroitly  avoided  the  points  at  issue  and  dealt 
in  eloquent  generalities  and  classical  allusions.  Though 
there  were  a  good  many  college  graduates  among  his  hearers, 
they  were  less  interested  in  the  Agrarian  laws  of  Rome  than 
in  the  bogus  laws  of  Kansas.  In  the  midst  of  one  of  his 
flights  of  oratory  they  interrupted  him  with  the  question: 
"Plow  about  the  territorial  laws,  governor?"  He  did  not 
seem  to  hear  the  question,  but  sailed  on.      The  question  was. 

repeated, 

"  Nearer,  clearer,  louder  than  before." 

"How  about  the  territorial  laws?"  "The  laws  must  be 
obeyed,"  he  replied  at  last.  "Never,  never,"  replied  a  score 
of  voices  in  unison.  "  Then  there  will  be  war  between  you 
and  me — war  to  the  knife,  and  the  knife  to  the 'hilt. "  "  Let 
it  come;  let  it  come;  we  are  ready."  The  governor  closed 
his  speech  more  abruptly  than  the  rules  of  rhetoric  advise,, 
and  went  away  with  a  feeling  that  he  had  a  problem  to  solve. 


142 


A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 


Governor  Walker  arrived  May  25th,  and  he  also  issued  an 
address  in  which  he  set  forth  the  same  policy  as  that  fore- 
shadowed by  Acting  Governor  Stanton.  They  were  both 
clear-headed,  fair-minded  men,  and  performed  their  duties 
in  an  impartial  way,  and  thus  soon  won  the  confidence  of  the 
people,  and  preserved  the  peace  of  the  country.  As  with 
their  predecessors,  so  it  fared  with  them.  In  less  than  six 
months  their  attempts  at  impartial  management  brought  them 
into  collision  with  their  own  party,  and  they  were  compelled 
to  look  for  support  and  sympathy  to  the  free-state  men. 

The  year  1857  was  in  marked  contrast  with  that  of  1856. 
''Order  reigned  in  Warsaw."  There  were  no  more  armed 
invasions  from  Missouri,  and  no  attempts  to  overthrow  the 
free-state  cause  by  violence.  The  contest  was  not  over,  but 
the  pro-slavery  party  had  changed  their  policy  and  were 
seeking  their  end  through  other  lines.  The  embargo  on  the 
Missouri  river  was  removed,  and  all  ways  to  the  territory  were 
open.  The  disturbances  of  the  year  before  had  turned  all 
eyes  towards  Kansas,  and  with  the  opening  spring  the  tide 
of  immigration  began  to  flow  in  a  larger  volume  than  ever. 
They  came  from  all  quarters  and  by  all  roads  and  by  all 
methods.  Some  came  by  steamer,  some  by  wagons,  and 
some  on  foot.  It  would  hardly  be  overstating  it  to  say  that 
three-fourths  of  those  who  came  were  in  favor  of  a  free  state. 
Though  a  good  proportion  were  from  the  south,  very  many 
even  of  these  were  not  in  favor  of  slavery.  The  pro-slavery 
cause  suffered  from  the  fact  that  slaveholders  did  not  dare  to 
bring  their  slaves,  and  consequently  very  few  slaveholders 
came.  The  territorial  legislature  had  passed  stringent  laws 
protecting  slave  property,  but  the  attitude  of  the  free-state 
men  practically  nullified  these  laws.  The  free-state  men  felt, 
therefore,  that  they  only  needed  to  wait.  If  they  could  have 
quiet  for  a  year  or  two,  the  preponderance  of  free-state  immi- 
gration would  settle  the  question  beyond  dispute. 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  I43 

The  enormous  rush  of  immigration  made  times  lively.  It 
was  what  they  called  a  prosperous  season.  All  these  people 
brought  money,  and  they  had  to  spend  money.  They  all 
wanted  to  invest  in  some  of  the  sacred  soil  of  which  they  had 
heard  so  much.  To  accommodate  this  army  of  would  be 
investors,  a  good  portion  of  the  territory  was  laid  out  in  town- 
sites,  and  in  the  words  of  a  wag  ''several  of  these  had 
buildings  on  them.  "  But  whether  they  had  buildings  on 
them,  or  were  marked  only  by  the  corner  stakes,  they  were 
all  represented  on  beautifully  lithographed  maps,  from  which 
the  eager  immigrant  selected  his  lot.  There  were  not  less 
than  a  score  of  such  town-sites  within  fifteen  miles  of  Law- 
rence. 

The  tide  of  immigration  kept  rolling  in.  It  was  popular  to 
come  to  Kansas,  and  the  trip  could  be  very  comfortably 
made.  Not  only  immigrants  came,  but  multitudes  of  others 
came  to  see  the  country  and  to  see  the  fun.  Everybody  came 
to  Kansas,  for  all  sorts  of  reasons.  Her  highways  were 
thronged,  her  stage  coaches  were  packed,  and  her  towns  were 
crowded.  Not  a  great  deal  was  done  to  develope  the  country. 
There  were  a  great  many  claims  but  not  much  farming,  a 
great  deal  of  consumption  but  not  much  production.  All 
these  people  had  to  live,  but  not  many  of  them  were  making 
a  living.  They  all  brought  money  and  they  all  had  to  spend 
money.  It  was  a  time,  therefore,  of  ''unexampled  pros- 
perity. "  The  merchant  sold  no  end  of  goods  at  prices  that 
made  him  happy.  The  land  dealer  sold  lots  without  limit, 
and  so  long  as  the  tide  kept  up,  at  constantly  advancing 
prices.  The  purchaser  of  one  day  became  the  seller  of  the 
next,  and  all  went  on  swimmingly  until  the  last  man  should 
be  left  "holding  the  bag."  It  was  not  unusual  for  a  man  to 
double  his  money  in  a  few  weeks.  Money  loaned  at  unheard 
of  rates,  to  be  used  in  unheard  of  bargains.  Everybody  was 
getting  rich  trading  back  and  forth  in  property  that  produced 
no  income,  and  had  no  intrinsic  value. 


144  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

Lawrence  was  in  the  center  of  all  this  whirl.  She  was  the 
center  of  free-state  interest,  and  the  ''  capital  of  the  free-state 
party."  Everybody  that  came  to  Kansas  came  to  Lawrence. 
As  all  roads  led  to  Rome,  so  all  roads  led  to  Lawrence. 
Here  immigrants  came  to  get  their  bearings  and  their  supplies. 
Here  visitors  came  to  begin  their  tours  of  observation. 
Here  politicians  met  to  discuss  the  situation  and  lay  their 
plans.  The  Leavenworth  Herald,  a  year  later,  said  of  this 
same  season:  ''  Every  newly  arrived  immigrant,  as  he  stepped 
upon  the  levee,  shouldered  his  carpet-bag,  and  stopping  long 
enough  to  inquire  the  way  to  'Larrence,'  set  off  towards  the 
Mecca  of  his  abolition  pilgrimage."  The  contagion  was 
universal,  and  no  caution  was  proof  against  it.  Conservative 
men  would  come  from  the  east,  shake  their  wise  heads  at  the 
folly  of  these  western  investments,  and  in  three  weeks  be  as 
wild  as  the  wildest.  A  very  conservative  business  man  of 
New  York  came  out  to  warn  his  children  against  engaging  in 
these  reckless  speculations.  After  remaining  with  them  a 
few  weeks,  he  was  more  eager  to  invest  than  they  had  ever 
been.  The  singular  feature  about  this  speculating  mania  is 
that  those  in  the  midst  of  it  always  think  that  this  condition 
will  continue.  One  of  the  most  far-seeing  of  the  promoters 
of  Lawrence  told  the  writer  of  this  sketch  afterwards,  that  at 
the  time  he  had  the  most  positive  conviction  that  Lawrence 
would  have  twenty  thousand  people  in  two  years. 

As  Lawrence  grew  she  began  to  feel  the  need  of  a  munici- 
pal government.  The  territorial  legislature  incorporated  the 
town  in  1855,  but  the  citizens  never  organized  under  the  act  and 
were  without  municipal  regulations  or  officers.  In  July  1857 
they  adopted  a  charter  of  their  own,  and  adopted  a  form  of 
municipal  government.  Governor  Walker  pronounced  this 
act  treason,  and  sent  Colonel  Cook  with  four  hundred  dra- 
goons  to  suppress  it.  He  came  also  himself  to  superintend 
the  job.      He  placed  the  town  under  martial  law,  and  cut  off 


GEN  L.   GEO.   W.   DEITZLER, 

First  Regiment  Kansas  Volunteers. 


COL.   O.   E.   LEARNARD, 

First  ReLnmerit  Kansas  Volunteer; 


MAJ.    EDMUND    G.    ROSS,  COL.    JOHN     K.     RANKIN, 

\J.  S.  Senator  186()-71.  Aid-de-camp  Staff  of  Gen'l.  Mitcliell. 

EARLY  MILITARY  LEADERS. 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  I45 

connections  with  the  surrounding  country  except  under  mili- 
tary inspection.  The  offending  government  about  which  all 
this  commotion  was  made  remained  invisible.  They  sought 
it  but  they  could  not  find  it.  Those  who  had  it  in  charge, 
however,  went  on  with  their  duties:  looked  after  the  sanitary 
condition  of  the  town,  the  cleaning  of  streets,  the  hauling  off 
of  dead  horses,  but  did  all  this  so  quietly,  and  so  entirely  by 
common  consent,  that  it  was  not  possible  to  make  a  case 
against  them.  The  citizens  and  the  soldiers  were  on  the  best 
of  terms,  and  exchanged  jokes  continually  as  to  their  rather 
unusual  situation.  The  pro-slavery  papers  predicted  trouble 
as  soon  as  any  ''overt  act"  was  committed,  but  the  people  of 
Lawrence  took  good  care  that  no  ''overt  act"  should  be  com- 
mitted, and  that  nothing  should  be  done  which  should  furnish 
an  occasion  for  military  interference.  After  a  few  weeks  this 
farce  grew  too  broad  to  be  continued,  and  the  troops  were 
removed. 


10 


CHAPTER  X. 

Lecompton  Constitutional  Convention. — The  Census  and 
Apportionment. — Free-State  Men  Ignore  It. — Elec- 
tion OF  Territorial  Legislature. — Shall  We  Vote? — 
Free-State  Men  Carry  the  Election. — Oxford  and  the 
Cincinnati  Directory. — Walker  Throws  Out  the 
Fraudulent  Returns. — Is  Removed  from  Offce. 

There  v^ere  two  very  important  political  movements  during 
the  year  1857.  One  was  the  projection  of  the  Lecompton 
constitution,  the  other  was  the  election  of  a  new  territorial 
legislature.  As  was  said  before  the  pro-slavery  people  had 
changed  their  policy.  It  had  become  evident  even  to  them 
that  slavery  could  not  be  established  in  Kansas  by  force  and 
violence.  So  there  were  no  more  armed  invasions  from  Mis- 
souri. But  the  contest  was  not  ended  by  any  means.  It  had 
become  a  contest  of  diplomacy  instead  of  arms.  The  pro- 
slavery  party  had  the  advantage  in  being  in  possession  of  the 
forms  of  law.  The  free-state  party  had  the  advantage  of  pre- 
ponderating numbers,  and  probably  of  skill  in  management. 
The  pro-slavery  men  had  given  up  the  idea  of  force,  and  they 
had  given  up  the  idea  of  establishing  slavery  by  a  fair  vote  of 
the  people.  They  had  one  resource  left.  The  old  Shawnee 
legislature  had  been  elected  for  two  years.  Its  second  ses- 
sion commenced  in  January,  1857.  The  plan  that  they  now 
adopted  was  that  this  legislature  should  provide  for  a  consti- 
tutional convention,  which  should  form  a  constitution,  and 
send  it  to  congress,  expecting  congress  to  admit  Kansas  into 
the  union  under  it.  Thus  Kansas  would  be  a  slave  state  in 
spite  of  the  wishes  of  three-fourths  of  its  people.  The  bill  for 
this  purpose  was  very  skillfully  drawn.  Dr.  Gihon,  Governor 
Geary's  private  secretary,  says  it  was  drawn  up  by  the  south- 
ern senators  in  Washington,  and  sent  to  Kansas  ready  for  the 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  I47 

legislature  to  pass.  At  all  events  it  was  so  skillfully  drawn 
that  the  pro-slavery  men  could  easily  keep  control  of  the  gov- 
ernment from  beginning  to  end.  Governor  Geary  opposed 
the  movement,  and  this  brought  him  into  conflict  with  his 
former  friends.  He  offered  to  sign  the  bill,  if  a  clause  were 
inserted  requiring  the  constitution  to  be  submitted  to  a  vote 
of  the  people.  But  they  said,  "this  would  defeat  the  object 
of  the  bill,  which  was  to  secure  Kansas  to  the  South  as  a 
slave  state,  beyond  any  possibility  of  doubt."  They  said, 
^'the  South  has  reached  a  crisis,  and  must  have  Kansas." 
They  said  if  the  ''constitution  were  submitted  to  a  vote,  the 
free-state  fellows  would  vote  it  down.  If  Kansas  were  a  slave 
state,  however,  the  abolitionists  would  leave  it."  The  bill, 
therefore,  passed  as  it  had  been  proposed.  Governor  Geary 
vetoed  it,  but  the  legislature  passed  it  over  his  objections. 

The  election  for  delegates  to  this  convention  was  set  for 
June  15th.  As  the  day  approached  the  question  arose,  shall 
the  free-state  men  vote  at  this  election,  and  shall  they  try  to 
get  control  of  the  convention?  The  question  was  discussed 
among  the  people,  and  at  conventions  called  to  confer  on  that 
subject.  Governor  Walker  urged  them  to  vote.  But  the 
free-state  men  saw  so  many  objections,  that  it  was  finally  de- 
cided to  let  the  election  go  by  default.  They  said  it  was  the 
product  of  the  old  bogus  legislature  which  they  had  repudi- 
ated, and  to  vote  for  delegates  would  be  to  recognize  the  acts 
of  that  body.  Then  the  bill  creating  the  convention,  provided 
for  a  census  and  registration.  None  could  vote  who  were  not 
in  the  territory  March  15th.  The  large  free-state  immigration 
of  the  spring  was  thus  excluded.  The  censu-s  was  taken  by 
the  county  officers  who  were  all  pro-slavery  men.  While  they 
were  careful  to  register  all  pro-slavery  voters,  hundreds  of 
free-state  men  were  omitted.  Worse  than  this,  in  nineteen 
interior  counties,  which  were  strongly  free-state,  no  census 
whatever  was  taken,  and  they  were  practically  disfranchised. 


148  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

The  sixteen  counties  where  the  census  was  taken  were  either 
on  the  Missouri  border  or  near  that  border,  and  frauds  would 
be  easy.  The  whole  thing  was  framed  to  give  the  convention 
to  the  pro-slavery  party  without  fail.  The  free-state  men 
argued  that  against  such  odds  they  had  no  chance  of  success, 
and  that  it  was  both  more  consistent  and  more  wise  to  ignore 
the  whole  thing.  When  the  election  took  place,  therefore, 
pro-slavery  men  alone  voted,  and  only  about  twenty-two  hun- 
dred votes  were  cast  out  of  a  registration  of  nearly  ten  thous- 
and voters.  The  convention  therefore  was  unanimously  pro- 
slavery,  as  it  was  intended  to  be. 

Meanwhile  another  question  began  to  loom  up  which  ob- 
scured that  of  the  convention.  In  October  a  new  territorial 
legislature  was  to  be  chosen.  Should  the  free-state  men  par- 
ticipate in  this  election,  and  endeavor  to  get  possession  of  the 
law-making  power  of  the  territory?  Governor  Walker  was 
very  anxious  they  should  do  so.  Hon.  Henry  Wilson,  of 
Massachusetts,  also  urged  them  to  participate  in  that  election. 
If  they  could  only  get  control  of  the  legislature,  they  would 
have  in  their  own  hands  the  power  by  which  the  pro-slavery 
party  had  so  grieviously  harrassed  them  for  two  years.  There 
were  many  reasons  urged  for  not  participating.  The  appor- 
tionment of  members  of  the  legislature  was  based  on  the 
defective  census  taken  in  the  spring.  The  census  gave  the 
pro-slavery  sections  all  the  advantage  in  the  apportionment. 
Besides  this  was  the  fear  that  fraud  would  be  practiced  as  it 
had  been  before,  and  the  legislature  would  be  stolen  from 
them  whatever  the  real  vote  might  be.  Governor  Walker 
promised  them,  however,  that  they  would  have  a  fair  election, 
and  that  fraud  and  violence  would  not  be  permitted.  After 
an  examination  of  views  and  many  conferences  and  conven- 
tions, the  free-state  men  decided  to  go  into  the  election,  and 
they  made  a  thorough  canvass  of  the  territory  to  that  end. 

The  election  occurred  October  5th.      The   governor  was  as 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  1 49 

good  as  his  word  in  preventing  violence  at  the  polls,  or  any 
invasion  of  foreign  voters.  He  had  troops  at  all  the  voting 
places  where  there  was  any  fear  of  trouble,  and  the  election 
passed  off  quietly.  The  next  morning  the  free-state  people 
were  made  jubilant  by  the  returns.  They  had  won  in  the 
contest,  and  the  coming  legislature  was  theirs  by  a  large 
margin.  The  people  of  Lawrence  were  particularly  enthusi- 
astic. They  had  been  harrassed  for  two  years  by  acts  of  that 
bogus  legislature  which  everybody  knew  was  a  fraud,  but  from 
whose  grasp  they  could  not  be  delivered.  Their  leading  men 
had  been  hounded  continually  by  writs  and  prosecutions 
which  had  no  valid  basis,  but  which  dragged  them  before  a 
court  in  which  they  could  get  no  justice.  Many  of  them  had 
been  imprisoned  for  months  on  charges  which  their  accusers 
did  not  dare  to  have  investigated,  and  so  did  not  deign  to 
bring  them  to  trial  even  before  their  own  partisan  courts. 
Others  were  compelled  to  keep  in  hiding,  or  leave  the  terri- 
tory to  avoid  arrest,  and  escape  persecution.  Now  the  power 
which  had  been  so  effectively  used  to  annoy  them,  they  could 
use  for  the  furtherance  of  order  and  good  government.  The 
people  of  Lawrence  had  entered  into  the  election  with  great 
spirit,  and  Douglas  county  had  polled  a  large  vote. 

Among  the  means  resorted  to  by  the  pro-slavery  managers 
to  prevent  free-state  success  was  that  of  yoking  the  free-state 
counties  with  pro-slavery  counties  on  the  border.  Thus 
Douglas  county  was  yoked  with  Johnson  county,  and  the  com- 
bined district  was  allowed  eight  members.  But  the  free-state 
men  were  able  to  overcome  this.  Douglas  polled  1638  votes 
for  the  free-state  ticket  and  187  for  the  pro-slavery  ticket, 
while  Johnson  county  only  reported  a  small  majority  the 
other  way.  The  morning  after  the  election  showed  some 
1500  majority  for  the  free-state  candidates.  But  the  second 
day  after  election  put  another  face  on  affairs,  and  the  enthus- 
iasm of  the  people  of  Lawrence  changed  to  indignation.     The 


150  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

little  precinct  of  Oxford,  in  Johnson,  was  reported  as  having 
cast  1638  votes,  overcoming  the  large  vote  of  Douglas  county 
and  giving  the  election  to  the  pro-slavery  candidates.      Every- 
body knew  it  must  be  a  fraud,  and  nobody  pretended  to  deny 
it.      But  the  returns  were  regular,  and  sworn  to  by  the  judges. 
On  inquiry  they  found  that  the  polls  had  been  open  for  two 
days  at  Oxford.      On  the  first  day  91  votes  were  cast,  the  ut- 
most limit  of  the   legal  vote.      That  night  they  had   messen- 
gers at  all  the  precincts  in  Douglas  county  to  watch  the  count. 
As  soon  as  the  resit  was  known  they  rode  during  the  night  to 
Westport   and   reported   the   size   of   the   free-state  majority. 
The  polls  were  opened  again   at   Oxford,  therefore,  and  1547 
additional  votes  reported.      Notwithstanding  this  large  vote, 
but  few  people  were  about  the  polls   that  day.      The  names 
on  the  poll  list  were  not  known  in  that  community.      It  was 
afterward  found  that  the  list  w^as  written  in  alphabetical  order, 
and  had  been  copied  from  the  Cincinnati  directory. 

The   people   of   Lawrence   were  in  what  might  be  called  a 
''state  of  mind"  when  they  learned  these  facts.      They  found 
the  English  language  a  feeble  medium  through  which  to  ex- 
press   their   feelings.      Those   who   had  opposed   voting   said 
"We  told  you  so."     Some   were   in   favor   of   one  thing   and 
some  another.      But  it  was  finally  decided   to   appeal   to   the 
governor.      He   had   promised   them   an   honest  election,  and 
it  was  his  assurance  that  induced  them  to  go  into  the  election. 
He  could  do  no  less  than  protect  them  from  a  fraud  so  mani- 
fest and  bold.      They  drew  up   a  protest,  therefore,  in  which 
they  narrated  the   facts,  and  asked   him   to   throw  out   these 
fraudulent  returns  and  give  certificates  of  election   in   accord- 
ance with  the  honest  choice  of  the  people.      The  following  are 
a  few  of  the  names  attached  to  this  protest:     G.  W.  Smith, 
A.    Newman,    C.  Hornsby,  J.  M.    Coe,  August  Wattles,   J.  F. 
Griswold,  Samuel  Walker,  George  Ford,  E.  D.  Ladd,  H.  W. 
Baker,  Gains  W.  Jenkins,  James  Christian,  and  many  others. 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF  THE    REBELLION.  151 

The  pro-slavery  people  protested  against  the  governor's 
interfering  with  the  returns.  They  said  he  had  no  right  to  go 
back  of  the  returns.  It  was  his  duty  to  give  certificates  to  those 
elected  by  the  face  of  the  returns.  The  legislature  must  be 
the  judge  of  all  the  rest.  But  the  governor  was  as  indignant 
as  the  people.  The  case  was  so  plain  that  there  was  but 
one  course  to  pursue.  To  give  certificates  to  men  elected  by 
such  unblushing  frauds  would  be  an  outrage  beyond  anything 
yet  endured.  He  refused  to  recognize  the  Oxford  returns, 
therefore,  and  gave  certificates  to  the  free-state  candidates. 
It  hardly  seems  credible  that  an  act  of  such  manifest  justice 
should  be  made  the  ground  for  the  governor's  removal  from 
office.  Yet  such  was  the  case.  Governor  Walker  went  to 
Washington  soon  after  the  election  to  confer  with  the  admin- 
istration. He  got  no  satisfaction,  and  was  soon  after  relieved 
of  office. 

The  free-state  men  were  very  much  rejoiced  at  the  gover- 
nor's decision.  But  their  joy  was  not  without  mixture. 
There  was  still  a  fly  in  the  free-state  ointment,  arid  a  very 
large  fly  it  was.  They  now  had  the  territorial  legislature,  but 
the  pro-slavery  people  had  the  constitutional  convention.  The 
free-state  people  had  paid  little  attention  to  this  during  the 
summer,  thinking  it  of  very  little  consequence.  But  their  ene- 
mies had  not  taken  all  this  trouble  for  nothing.  That  constitu- 
tional convention  was  created  for  a  purpose,  and  they  did  not 
propose  to  let  it  die  on  their  hands.  The  convention  met  at  Le- 
compton  September  7th,  but  after  organizing  and  doing  some 
preliminary  business  they  adjourned  to  October  igth.  This 
would  be  after  the  territorial  election.  They  met  again  Oc- 
tober 19th.  The  election  being  over  and  the  territorial  legis- 
lature 'having  passed  into  free-state  hands,  it  behooved  them 
to  make  the  most  of  this  last  remaining  instrument  for  estab- 
lishing slavery  in  Kansas.  They  framed  a  constitution  which 
declared  that  ''the  right  of  a  slave  owner  to  such   slave  and 


152  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

its  increase  is  the  same  and  inviolable  as  the  right  of  any 
property  whatever."  The  constitution  was  sent  to  congress 
without  being  submitted  to  a  vote  of  the  people  of  the  terri- 
tory. The  free-state  people  who  had  thus  far  looked  upon 
the  movement  as  of  little  moment,  now  began  to  be  alarmed. 
If  congress  should  accept  the  constitution,  all  they  had  done 
would  mean  but  little.  Their  success  in  the  territorial  elec- 
tion could  be  of  little  consequence  if  this  Lecompton  consti- 
tution was  to  supplant  the  territorial  government.  They  be- 
stirred themselves,  therefore,  to  put  the  real  facts  before  con- 
gress, and  prevent  its  adoption  if  possible.  They  knew  the 
president  would  urge  it,  the  senate  would  accept  it,  and  the 
house  was  very  close. 

A  convention,  therefore,  met  at  Lawrence  December  2nd 
to  confer  as  to  the  most  effective  means  for  prenventing  its 
adoption.  It  was  one  of  the  largest  and  most  influential  free- 
state  conventions  that  had  been  held.  There  w^ere  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty  delegates,  and  nearly  every  district  was  rep- 
resented,-and  by  the  strongest  men  they  could  send.  All  the 
trusted  leaders  of  the  party  were  present,  and  the  feeling  on 
all  hands  was  very  intense.  The  debate  was  one  of  the  ablest 
ever  conducted  since  the  settlement.  The  delegates  felt  that 
they  might  be  on  the  eve  of  thrilling  events,  and  might  be 
making  history  faster  than  they  thought.  The  debate  had 
something  of  the  spirit  which  one  may  suppose  animated 
the  continental  congress  on  the  eve  of  the  revolution.  The 
burden  of  every  speech  was  that  this  bogus  constitution 
should  never  be  forced  upon  them  by  any  power  or  under  any 
circumstances.  ''Appealing  to  the  God  of  justice  and  hu- 
manity, we  do  solemnly  enter  into  league  and  covenant  with 
each  other  that  we  will  7iever,  under  any  circumstances,  per- 
mit the  said  constitution,  so  framed  and  not  submitted,  to  be 
the  organic  law  of  the  state  of  Kansas,  but  do  pledge  our  lives, 
our  fortunes  and  our  sacred  honor  to  ceaseless  hostility  to  the 
same." 


GEO.  W.   SMITH, 

Attorney  at  Law. 


,    H.    M.    SIMPSON. 

Attorney  at  Law. 


SAMUEL    A.    RIGGS, 

U.  S.  District  Attorney.  IWi 


U.  S, 


JAMES    S.    EMERY, 

District  Attorney.  lHG3-()7. 


EARLY  MEMBERS  OF  LAWRENCE  BAR. 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  1 53 

In  addition  to  all  this,  Acting  Governor  Stanton  had  been 
petitioned  to  call  together  the  new  legislature  in  special  ses- 
sion to  provide  for  getting  the  sense  of  the  people  in  some 
authentic  manner.  Stanton  at  once  called  the  legislature 
together,  and  they  met  five  days  later,  December  7th.  They 
passed  a  bill  providing  for  a  vote  on  the  Lecompton  constitu- 
tion January  4th,  the  day  for  electing  state  officers  under  that 
constitution.  Over  ten  thousand  votes  were  recorded  against 
it  that  day.  But  the  pro-slavery  people  ignored  the  election, 
and  there  was  no  negative  vote. 

At  Washington  the  president  urged  the  adoption  of  the 
constitution.  The  senate  passed  a  bill  to  that  effect,  but  it 
failed  in  the  house.  The  house  passed  a  bill  submitting  the 
constitution  to  a  vote  of  the  people  of  Kansas,  and  this  failed 
in  the  senate.  Finally  a  compromise,  called  the  English 
bill,  passed  both  houses,  submitting  the  constitution  indirectly 
to  a  vote  of  the  people.  This  vote  was  taken  August  2nd, 
1858,  and  the  proposition  was  voted  down  in  Kansas  by  an 
overwhelming  majority,  nearly  five  to  one.  This  ended  the 
Lecompton  trouble,  and  was  the  last  attempt  to  fasten  slavery 
upon  Kansas. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

The  Territorial  Legislature  Adjourns  to  Lawrence. — 
The  Bogus  Laws  sent  Home. — The  Lawrence  Char- 
ter.— A  City  Government  at  last. — Samuel  Medary 
Governor. 

Going  back  to  the  legislature  we  follow  its  history.  After 
the  special  session  the  body  adjourned,  and  met  again  in  reg- 
ular session  at  Lecompton  January  4th,  1858.  The  council 
chose  Carmi  W.  Babcock,  of  Lawrence,  president,  and  the 
house  of  representatives  chose  George  W.  Deitzler,  of  Law- 
rence, as  speaker.  After  the  organization,  the  body  ad- 
journed to  Lawrence,  where  they  continued  for  the  balance 
of  the  session.  They  occupied  the  second  and  third  floors  of 
the  new  brick  building  just  south  of  the  Eldridge  House. 
The  free-state  part  of  the  legislature  felt  very  much  at  home 
at  Lawrence,  as  they  had  most  of  them  been  their  often  at 
free-state  conventions,  and  for  purposes  of  defense.  It 
seemed  very  fitting,  too,  that  the  free-state  legislature  should 
sit  at  the  capital  of  the  free-state  party,  for  the  free-state 
party  had  become  the  commonwealth.  As  soon  as  the  forms 
of  law  were  taken  from  the  pro-slavery  party,  every  body  was 
surprised  to  find  how  little  there  was  of  it.  They  never  made 
another  important  demonstration,  but  seemed  to  drop  entirely 
out.  The  free-state  men  did  not  know  till  now  how  strong 
they  themselves  were.  It  was  very  fitting,  therefore,  that 
the  capital  of  the  free-state  party  should  become  the  capital 
of  the  commonwealth.  The  Lawrence  people,  therefore,  en- 
joyed having  the  legislature  with  them  as  the  legislature 
enjoyed  being  there.  The  session  continued  forty  days.  The 
amount  of  business  done  was  not  very  large.  The  members 
were  new  to  the  work,  and  the  situation  was  new.  It  was  not 
strange  that  little  was  done  in  the  way  of  practical  legislation. 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  1 55 

A  year  later  the  fourth  legislature  assembled.  As  before, 
they  met  at  Lecompton  and  organized,  and  adjourned  at  once 
to  Lawrence.  This  legislature  took  hold  of  their  work  with 
more  system  and  vigor.  They  appointed  a  codifying  commis- 
sion to  arrange  the  laws  of  the  territory.  The  first  legisla- 
ture, in  1855,  had  not  taken  the  trouble  to  draw  up  a  code  of 
laws.  Their  own  state  of  Missouri  had  a  very  excellent  code 
all  prepared,  and  they  adopted  that  ''in  bulk,"  ordering  the 
clerk  to  make  the  necessary  verbal  changes.  The  only  orig- 
inal laws  they  drew  up  were  those  pertaining  to  slavery,  in 
which  the  Missouri  code  was  too  mild.  As  the  Shawnee 
legislature  adopted  the  Missouri  code  '' in  bulk,"  this  legis- 
lature of  1859  repealed  it  ''in  bulk."  They  would  not  so 
much  as  use  it  as  a  basis  for  the  new  code.  It  was  the  old 
bogus  affair,  and  they  would  have  none  of  it.  They  repealed 
it  altogether  from  preface  to  conclusion.  As  soon  as  this  was 
done  the  "boys"  gathered  up  all  the  copies  of  the  bogus  laws 
they  could  find,  and  had  a  glorious  bonfire  on  Massachusetts 
street.  Some  wag  took  a  copy,  carefully  wrapped  it,  and 
sent  it  by  express  to  the  Missouri  state  officials  at  Jefferson 
City,  with  the  inscription,  "Returned  with  thanks."  The 
place  of  meeting  in  1859  was  the  old  concrete  building  on 
Massachusetts  street  north  of  Winthrop.  When  it  was  built 
it  was  considered  quite  a  magnificent  affair,  but  the  march  of 
improvement  has  left  it  in  the  rear.  It  was  a  double  store 
and  answered  very  well  for  the  purposes  of  the  legislature. 

The  session  of  i860  repeated  the  history  of  its  predeces- 
sors with  variations.  The  course  of  true  love  did  not  run  as 
smoothly  as  heretofore.  Samuel  Medary,  of  Ohio,  was  now 
governor  and  Hugh  S.  Walsh  was  secretary  of  the  territory. 
Medary  was  a  supporter  of  the  administration  at  Washington, 
but  he  was  a  broad-minded,  large-hearted  man,  and  he  and 
the  free-state  men  got  along  very  harmoniously.  But  now  for 
some  reason  there  came  a  change.      The  legislature  met  Jan- 


156  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE. 

uary  7th  at  Lecompton  as  usual.      As  usual   also  they  organ- 
ized and  adjourned   to  Lawrence.      The  governor  vetoed  the 
resolution  for  adjournment.      The  resolution  stated   that   the 
adjournment  to  Lawrence  was  made  necessary  by  the  lack  of 
accommodations  at  Lecompton.      The  governor  replied  that 
while  the  accommodations  at  Lecompton  were  not  palatial, 
they  were  ample.      They  were  good  enough  for  the  territorial 
officials  and  he  thought  they  were  good  enough  for  the  legis- 
lature.     He  doubtless  had  the  best  of  the  argument.      But  the 
argument  stated  in  the  resolution  was  not  the  real  reason  for 
the    adjournment.      The    answering    of    that     argument    did 
not  change  the  minds   of   the   members.      They  adjourned  to 
Lawrence  because  they  did   not   like    Lecompton,  and  would 
not  stay  there   if   they  could  help  it.      In   the   bitter  struggle 
that  had  passed  Lecompton  had  become  a  hated  name  in  free- 
state  circles,  and  if  they  had  offered  palaces  instead  of  hovels, 
the  members  would  have  left  just  the  same.      So  they  passed 
the  resolution  over  the  governor's  veto,  and  went  to  Lawrence, 
the  *' governor's  objections  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding." 
The  governor  and  secretary,  however,  refused   to   go,  and  re- 
fused to  send  books  and  records  needed  for  the  transaction  of 
business.      One  day  when  Secretary  Walsh  was  in   Lawrence 
it  was  determined  to  bring  him  before  the  bar  of  the  house  to 
answer  for  his  refusal  to  honor   the    request    for  the   needed 
books.      A   resolution  was   passed    ordering    the    sergeant-at- 
arms  to  bring  the  secretary  before  the  house.      The  sergeant- 
at-arms  w^as  George  F.  Warren,  an  officer  who,  like  the  poet, 
was  ''born  and  not  made."     He  w^as  born  a  full-fledged  ser- 
geant-at-arms.      He  delighted  in  the  duties  of  his  office,  espec- 
ially in  some  mission  like  this.      He  sallied  forth  with  all  the 
power  of  the  legislature  in  his  hands,  and  the  dignity  of  a  great 
commonwealth  on  his  shoulders.      While  he  was  gone  many 
of  the  members  felt  a  little   uncomfortable.      What  if  Walsh 
should  refuse  to  obey  their  summons?     What  should  they  do 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  1 57 

next  to  maintain   their  dignity?     There  was  a  wonderful  re- 
lief felt  when  the  sergeant-at-arms   came  back,   bringing  the 
secretary  with  him.      The  secretary  was  evidently   annoyed, 
and  looked  pale  about  the  mouth.      He  looked  as  if  he  would 
like    to  use    some    unparliamentary  language.      But  he    said 
nothing.      He   evidently  thought  it  was   not  wise  to   come  in 
conflict  with  the   legislature.      He  walked  up  to  the  speaker's 
chair,    and    everybody    waited    in    breathless    anxiety.      The 
speaker,  in  the  kindliest  and  gentlest  manner,  asked  him  why 
he  did   not   furnish   the  books  they  asked  for  containing  the 
proceedings  of  the  previous  session.      He  answered  promptly 
he  ''did  not  have  the   books;  the   edition  was   exhaused   and 
there  were  none."     Whether  this  was  strictly  true  or  not,  was 
never  known,  but  it  avoided  a  direct  conflict  between  the  exec- 
utive  and   the  legislature,   and    relieved    the    situation.      The 
legislature  soon  passed  a  resolution  that  whereas  the  secretary 
of  the  territory  had  obstinately  refused  to  cooperate  with  them, 
and  had  refused   to  supply  the   necessary  books,  documents, 
stationery  and  printing,  making  it  impossible  to  conduct  the 
legitimate   business,  that  we   adjourn   sine  die.      The  governor 
at  once  issued  a  proclamation  ordering  them  to  meet  in  extra 
session  the  next   day,  January   19th,  at  Leco7?ipton,  "then  and 
there  to  consider  and  perform  such  duties  as  are  demanded  by 
the  necessities  of  the  people."     They  met  again  the  next  day, 
therefore,  at  Lecompton,  elected  the  same  officers,  and  passed 
the  same  resolution  adjourning  to   Lawrence.      The  governor 
again  vetoed  the  resolution,  and  the  legislature  again  passed 
it  over  his  veto.      Here  it  seems  as  if  the  struggle  ended,  for 
the  legislature  completed  their  session   at   Lawrence  without 
any  further  interference.      In  these  conflicts  there  was  none  of 
the  bitterness  of  former  times,  but  everything  was   good-nat- 
ured, and  all  parties  were  on  good  terms.      Governor  Medary 
was  universally  esteemed,  and  won  the  respect  of  all  parties, 
by  his  urbanity  and  fairness. 


158  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

This  legislature  provided  for  the  Wyandotte  convention 
which  framed  the  constitution  under  which  Kansas,  a  year 
later,  entered  the  union  as  a  state. 

The  sessions  of  the  legislature  were  a  God-send  to  Law- 
rence. After  the  constant  excitement  of  the  free-state  strug- 
gle there  was  a  great  calm.  There  came  a  quietness,  which 
like  the  darkness  of  Egypt,  ''could  be  felt."  These  meetings 
of  the  legislature  were  about  the  only  diversion  the  people  had. 
Even  a  session  of  the  legislature,  however,  was  a  feeble  substi- 
tute for  one  of  the  free-state  conventions.  In  the  exciting 
issues  considered,  in  the  ability  of  the  members,  and  in  the  high 
tone  of  the  debates,  a  Kansas  legislature  bore  no  comparison 
to  a  free-state  convention. 

A  writer  who  came  to  Lawrence  late  in  1857,  thus  gives  his 
impressions  of  the  town.  ''The  town  seemed  smaller  than 
we  expected.  There  were  no  streets,  and  no  sidewalks,  and 
the  roads  ran  helter  skelter  here  and  there,  across  lots, 
between  houses,  and  everywhere  as  the  convenience  of  drivers 
might  dictate.  This  gave  a  scattered  look  to  the  town,  and 
the  houses  seemed  to  straggle  about  on  the  prairie  as  if  they 
had  lost  their  way  on  a  dark  night.  There  was  scarcely  a 
fence  or  a  dooryard,  scarcely  a  garden  or  tree  planted  in  the 
whole  town.  All  this  gave  a  lonesome  feeling  to -^  the  new 
comer." 

But  the  new  comer  did  not  have  to  remain  long  before  the 
feeling  passed  away.  He  soon  found  that  the  external  ap- 
pearance did  not  fairly  represent  the  town.  He  could  not 
judge  the  town  by  the  size  or  number  of  the  houses.  Ever}- 
tenement  and  shanty,  every  sod  cabin  and  tent  fairly  swarmed 
with  people.  And  they  were  a  lively  lot  and  they  made  a 
lively  place.  There  could  not  have  been  less  than  five 
thousand  people  in  the  town,  though  probably  not  more  than 
half  of  them  would  call  it  their  home,  and  people  were  com- 
ing and  going  all  the  time.      They  were  a  remarkably  bright 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  1 59 

and  intelligent  lot  of  people  who  had  gathered  here,  full  of 
vigor  and  vim.  Among  the  much  smaller  population  of  the 
first  winter  there  were  said  to  be  two  hundred  college  grad- 
uates. They  had  been  so  constantly  in  plans  of  self  defense 
that  they  had  no  time  to  show  what  they  could  do  in  the  way 
of  developing  a  community,  yet  they  gave  some  evidence  of 
their  ability  in  that  line.  They  had  maintained  a  free  public 
school  without  any  power  to  collect  taxes  or  enforce  order. 
They  had  maintained  a  vigorous  and  effective  military  organ- 
ization without  any  power  to  enforce  military  regulations. 
They  had  an  orderly  community  of  various  and  diverse 
elements,  and  of  all  conceivable  faiths  and  notions,  without 
any  laws  or  courts  to  which  they  could  appeal.  They  had 
maintained  all  necessary  municipal  and  sanitary  regulations, 
without  any  authority  to  compel  obedience  to  wholesome 
rules.  There  were  no  taxes  and  all  public  expenses  were  met 
by  voluntary  subscriptions.  The  schools  were  maintained 
and  made  free  to  all  children.  The  voluntary  city  organi- 
zation of  1857,  for  whose  suppression  Governor  Walker 
ordered  out  the  army  of  the  United  States,  confined  itself 
to  suggestions  without  any  pretense  of  power  to  enforce. 
Its  suggestions,  however,  were  quietly  acquiesced  in,  the 
streets  kept  clean  and  the  back  ways  clear.  It  effected  all  it 
was  intended  for,  and  yet  did  it  so  unobtrusively,  that  four 
hundred  soldiers  sent  here  for  that  purpose,  could  find  noth- 
ing that  indicated  the  setting  up  of  an  independent  city 
government. 

When  the  free-state  people  gained  control  of  the  territorial 
legislature,  one  of  the  first  things  considered  was  a  charter 
for  Lawrence.  February  nth,  1858,  a  bill  was  passed  by 
both  houses  to  that  effect.  February  20th,  the  charter  was 
accepted.  The  following  city  officers  were  elected:  Mayor, 
C.  W.  Babcock;  councilmen,  Robert  Morrow,  P.  R.  Brooks, 
E.  S.  Lowman,  L.  C.  Tolles,  John  G.  Haskell,  M.  Hartman, 


l6o  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE. 

Henry  Shanklin,  A.  J.  Totten,  S.  W.  Eldridge,  A.  H.  Mallory, 
L.  Bullene,  F.  A.  Bailey;  city  marshal,  Joseph  Cracklin; 
treasurer,  Wesley  H.  Duncan,  clerk,  Caleb  S.  Pratt;  school 
trustees,  J.  M.  Coe,  B.  Johnson,  T.  Dwight  Thacher,  Albert 
Newman.  Lawrence  now  had  a  city  government,  and  regular 
courts  and  laws, .and  could  do  under  legal  sanctions  and  by 
legal  constraints,  what  she  had  already  been  doing  by  volun- 
tary concession. 


,SAMUEL    REYNOLDS.  JOHN    ROSS. 

KARLY  KANSAS  SETTLERS. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Lawrence  in  1858. — The  Ebb  of  the  Tide. — Spring  Immigra- 
tion WHICH  Failed  to  Come. — The  Underground  Rail- 
road.— Progress  in  Building. — In  Churcbes. — Temper- 
ance in  Lawrence. — The  Drouth  of  i860. — The  Last 
Territorial  Legislature. — -Kansas  Admitted  into  the 
Union. — A  Free  State. 

The  year  1858  was  the  reverse  of  1857.  In  the  favorite 
words  of  Governor  Geary,  'Hhe  benign  influences  of  peace 
had  been  restored  to  the  country."  But  the  benign  influences 
of  peace  had  a  different  effect  from  what  many  people  expect- 
ed. For  three  years  Kansas  had  been  the  observed  of  all 
observers.  All  eyes  were  turned  towards  her,  and  many  feet 
also  turned  their  steps  her  wav.  Notwithstanding  the  diffi- 
culties of  travel,  and  the  hindrances  thrown  in  the  way,  and 
the  disturbances  in  the  territory  itself,  immigrants  came  from 
every  quarter  and  in  every  conceivable  manner.  When  peace 
and  quiet  came  and  the  slavery  question  was  settled,  the 
people  expected  that  this  would  not  only  continue,  but 
increase.  If  people  came  to  Kansas  in  such  crowds  when 
there  were  so  many  hindrances  and  so  much  peril,  they  would 
come  in  still  greater  crowds  when  the  hindrances  were 
removed  and  the  perils  had  ceased.  As  times  were  lively  in 
1857,  they  expected  still  more  lively  times  in  1858.  But 
they  were  mistaken  as  to  the  spirit  of  the  north,  and  as 
to  the  causes  which  gave  Kansas  her  prominence.  Her 
troubles  and  her  perils  gave  her  the  prominence  she  enjoyed, 
and  drew  towards  her  such  crowds  of  immigrants.  They  came 
at  the  call  of  an  idea;  at  the  call  of  freedom.  The  greater 
the  obstacles  the  more  they  came.  But  now  the  conflict  was 
over  and  the  question  was  settled,  immigration  instead  of 
increasing,  almost  ceased.  Many  who  had  come  were  com- 
11 


1 62  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

pelled  to  go  back.  There  was  nothing  to  prevent  their  return- 
ing. For  the  next  three  years  probably  as  many  left  as  came. 
The  result  therefore  which  followed  the  disturbances  was  a 
more  complete  quiet  than  most  of  the  people  cared  to  see. 
A  general  business  depression  throughout  the  country  in- 
creased the  depression  in  Kansas. 

It  began  to  be  dull  in  the  autumn  of  1857,  but  people  said 
that  ''Spring  immigration  would  brignten  things  up."  But 
spring  immigration  did  not  come.  All  things  were  ready,  but 
the  immigrant  failed  to  fulfil  his  engagement.  Land  agents 
sat  in  their  offices  as  of  old,  and  their  maps  and  diagrams 
hung  around  the  walls,  but  no  one  came  to  enquire  the 
price  of  lots,  or  if  any  came  it  was  some  one  who  wished 
to  sell  and  not  some  one  who  wished  to  buy.  Merchants 
stood  behind  their  counters  with  large  stocks  of  goods  about 
them,  but  the  customer  did  not  appear.  The  next  three  years 
were  dull  ones,  as  dull  as  the  preceeding  three  years  had  been 
lively.  The  people  were  very  slow  to  understand  what  had 
happened.  They  clung  to  a  hope  of  a  return  of  the  former 
days,  but  those  days  never  came  back.  For  a  time  property 
was  still  high,  but  nobody  wanted  to  buy;  money  was  still 
held  at  high  rates,  but  nobody  wanted  to  borrow.  Gradually 
even  this  found  its  level,  as  it  always  does,  and  a  very  low 
level  it  proved  to  be.  In  real  estate  and  other  lines  of  busi- 
ness the  final  purchaser  had  been  found,  and  he  was  left  to 
hold  his  purchase.  The  fortunes  gathered  in  a  day  dissolved 
in  a  night,  and  men  worth  vast  fortunes  in  city  lots  were  bor- 
rowing money  to  pay  their  board.  In  the  spring  of  1859, 
quite  a  number  of  the  enterprising  3^oung  men  of  Lawrence, 
growing  weary  of  waiting  for  the  tardy  immigrant,  concluded 
to  turn  emigrants  themselves.  They  started  over  the  plains 
for  "Pike's  Peak,"  and  were  the  inaugurators  of  the  move- 
ment which  brought  Colorado  in  such  prominence. 

These  years,  however,  were  not  destitute  of  exciting  inci- 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  163 

dents.  January  20,  1859,  John  Brown  spent  a  night  in  Law- 
rence as  he  was  leading  eleven  slaves  to  Canada  and  freedom. 
It  was  John  Brown's  last  appearance  in  Kansas.  In  October 
of  that  year  he  made  his  attack  on  Harper's  Ferry,  and  De- 
cember 2,  i860,  was  hanged  by  the  authorities  of  the  state  of 
Virginia.  During  the  winter  of  1859,  John  Doy  and  his  son, 
Charles  Doy,  led  a  company  of  slaves  through  Lawrence 
northward.  The  whole  party  was  captured  twelve  miles  from 
Lawrence  and  imprisoned  at  Weston.  Doy  and  his  son  were 
afterwards  taken  to  St.  Joseph  for  trial.  At  a  large  public 
meeting  in  Lawrence  funds  were  raised  to  assist  in  their  de- 
fense at  the  trial  of  their  case  in  June.  Ex-Governor  Shannon 
was  secured  as  one  of  the  lawyers  for  the  defense.  The 
trial  was  reported  for  the  eastern  and  other  papers  by  such 
correspondents  as  A.  D.  Richardson,  Henry  Villard,  and  D. 
W.  Wilder.  After  a  tedious  trial  the  son  was  released,  and 
Doy  himself  was  sentenced  to  five  years  imprisonment.  Be- 
fore he  was  taken  from  the  St.  Joseph  jail  to  the  state  prison, 
he  was  liberated  one  night  and  came  back  to  Lawrence,  where 
he  remained  unmolested.  Nobody  ever  exactly  knew  who 
did  the  liberating. 

Lawrence  had  the  reputation  in  Missouri  of  being  one  of 
the  stations  on  the  underground  railroad.  In  a  certain  sense 
perhaps  she.  deserved  that  reputation.  Most  of  her  people 
had  no  sympathy  with  any  attempt  to  stir  up  insurrection 
among  the  slaves,  or  to  entice  them  from  their  masters.  But 
they  hated  human  slavery  and  believed  in  every  man's  right^ 
to  freedom.  They  would  never  consent  that  any  man  should 
be  taken  back  to  slavery  who  came  to  them  in  his  effort  to  be 
free.  There  is  no  doubt  that  a  good  many  slaves,  fleeing 
from  bondage,  made  their  way  to  Lawrence,  and  there  were 
aided  on  their  journey  towards  Canada.  Not  many  of  the 
people  knew  anything  about  this,  but  there  were  a  few  to 
whom  such  fugitives  always  went   and  were  never^  betrayed. 


164  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

But  the  sympathy  of  the  people  was  with  every  one  who  was 
struggling  for  freedom.  The  town  was  founded  in  opposition 
to  slavery,  and  it  could  not  be  otherwise  than  antagonistic  to 
the  right  of  property  in  man. 

This  matter  is  alluded  to  here  because  some  have  sought  to 
create  an  opposite  impression.  A  recent  writer  on  Kansas 
has  said  that  ''it  is  a  significant  fact,  which  forcibly  illustrates 
the  absence  of  any  general  or  radical  sentiment  of  abolition 
in  Kansas,  that  so  late  as  the  year  1858  Missoiirians  hired  out 
slaves  at  Lawf^ence,  received  their  wages,  and  nobody  made  objec- 
tion.''^ The  italics  are  our  own.  Anyone  who  lived  in  Law- 
rence in  1858  would  know  that  such  a  thing  as  this  could  not 
possibly  be.  Neither  at  that  time  nor  any  other,  could  a 
slave  be  held  in  Lav/rence  against  his  will,  by  owner  or  renter. 
If  such  a  thing  was  ever  done,  it  was  with  the  mutual  consent 
of  all  parties — owner,  slave  and  renter.  The  writer  of  this 
knew  of  a  slave  who  was  in  Lawrence  a  large  portion  of  the 
year  1859.  She  was  employed  as  a  domestic  in  various  fami- 
lies, but  her  wages  were  paid  to  her  and  not  to  her  master. 
Late  in  the  autumn  her  master  offered  a  large  reward  for  her 
arrest  and  return.  It  was  decided  to  make  a  test  case  of  it, 
and  show  that  a  slave  could  be  taken  from  Lawrence  and  re- 
turned to  slavery  in  Missouri.  The  United  States  marshal, 
with  deputies  and  detectives,  came  stealthily  to.  Lawrence, 
and  set  themselves  to  work  to  locate  and  capture  this  woman. 
They  remained  two  days.  There  was  no  resistence  offered, 
but  they  did  not  capture  the  woman,  and  presumably  did  not 
get  the  reward.  So  far  as  known,  no  slaves  were  ever  taken 
from  Lawrence  and  carried  back  to  slavery.  The  Lawrence 
people  were  moderate  in  their  views,  but  they  were  decided. 

In  the  way  of  material  improvements  there  had  been  a  good 
deal  of  advance.  By  far  the  finest  building  erected  was  the 
Eldridge  House,  which  took  the  place  of  the  Free-State 
Hotel  de^royed  by  Sheriff  Jones,  May  21st,  1856.      After  the 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  165 

destruction  of  the  old  hotel  nothing  was  done  toward  rebuild- 
ing for  a  year.  In  the  spring  of  1857  Colonel  S.  W.  Eldridge 
and  his  brother  began  to  rebuild  the  house  or  rather  to  build 
another  on  the  same  site.  It  was  of  brick,  four  stories  high, 
extending  one  hundred  feet  on  the  east  front  and  one  hundred 
and  seventeen  feet  on  the  north  front.  It  was  handsomely 
built  and  furnished  elegantly,  and  was  the  finest  hotel  Law- 
rence has  ever  had.  It  was  said  to  have  cost  $80,000.  It  was 
kept  in  a  style  befitting  the  building.  Several  other  substan- 
tial brick  buildings  were  begun  on  Massachusetts  street 
during  the  year  1857,  and  completed  in  the  year  following. 

There  had  been  considerable  progress  in  the  line  of  church 
work  during  this  period.  The  Unitarians  appealed  to  their 
friends  at  the  east,  and  by  the  personal  efforts  of  Rev. 
Ephraim  Nute  and  Mr.  E.  B.  Whitman  they  secured  $5,700 
for  a  church  edifice.  They  began  to  build  in  1856,  but  were 
hindered  by  various  things,  and  the  house  was  not  ready  for 
occupancy  until  the  spring  of  1857.  The  building  was  of 
stone  of  good  size,  with  basement  rooms  for  school  purposes. 
Their  eastern  friends  also  gave  them  a  bell  and  a  town  clock. 
The  bell  was  suspended  on  a  temporary  frame  for  many  years 
and  was  used  for  a  school  bell  as  well  as  a  church  bell.  The 
bell  was  of  very  fine  tone.  The  clock  and  bell  were  after- 
wards purchased  for  the  city  schools,  and  are  now  in  use 
on  the  city  high  school.  About  1858  Mr.  Nute  resigned  and 
on  the  breaking  out  of  the  war  entered  the  army  as  a  chap- 
lain.     Rev.  John  S.  Brown  became  pastor  of  the  church. 

The  Congregational  Church  also  erected  a  house  of  worship 
during  this  period.  This  church  had  a  varied  experience. 
It  was  the  first  church  formed  in  Lawrence;  formed  before 
there  was  a  house  built.  Deacon  Franklin  Haskell  of  this 
church  made  the  first  public  prayer  offered  upon  the  Law- 
rence town  site.  Rev.  S.  Y.  Lum,  the  pastor,  preached  the 
first  sermon.      When   the   Kansas  question   began  to  loom  up 


1 66  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

Mr.  Lum  was  pastor  of  a  delightful  church  at  Middletown, 
New  York.  He  was  a  man  of  thorough  education  and  good 
ability.  His  wife  had  been  tenderly  reared,  her  father  being 
a  wealthy  merchant  of  New  York  city.  As  soon  as  interest 
in  Kansas  began  to  take  form,  Mr.  Lum  resigned  his  pastor- 
ate at  Middletown  and  asked  the  American  Home  Missionary 
Society  to  send  him  to  Kansas.  In  a  few  weeks  he  was  on 
his  way,  with  his  wife  and  two  little  children,  and  a  young 
lady,  a  member  of  the  family.  They  arrived  in  Lawrence  about 
the  same  time  as  the  second  Boston  party,  and  Mr.  Lum  began 
at  once  the  work  for  which  he  came.  He  built  the  first  fram^ 
house  in  Lawrence.  It  was  built  of  "shakes,  "and  was  so 
open  that  in  winter  water  froze  close  by  a  hot  stove,  and  the 
snow  sifted  over  them  at  night  as  they  slept.  Mr.  Lum  had 
some  rough  experiences  with  the  border  rufBans.  They  stole 
a  span  of  horses  from  him,  and  at  another  time  assaulted  him 
and  threatened  to  hang  him. 

The  church  had  as  rough  a  time  as  the  pastor.  It  was 
organized  in  a  "hay  tent,"  and  worshiped  in  private  rooms, 
in  hotels,  in  shops  or  public  offices  as  it  could.  At  one  time 
they  met  in  a  little  room  heated  by  a  stove  whose  hot  pipe 
ran  close  by  the  preacher's  head.  At  another  time  they  met 
in  a  small  building,  boarded  up  and  down  and  intended  for 
battens.  But  the  battens  had  been  omitted,  and  chacks 
supplied  their  place.  During  the  disturbances  of  1855  and 
1856  they  could  have  no  regular  services.  They  met  as  they 
w^ere  able.  Often  the  men  were  called  out  during  service  to 
join  in  the  defense  of  the  town.  Often,  also,  they  were  away 
on  duty  during  church  hours  and  only  the  women  and  chil- 
dren could  meet.  The  necessity  for  a  house  of  worship 
became  very  urgent.  In  the  summer  of  1855,  the  pastor, 
and  after  him,  Mr.  S.  N.  Simpson,  went  east  to  solicit  aid  in 
building  a  church.  They  met  with  a  very  liberal  response, 
and   secured  some  four  thousand  dollars.       With  this   aid  the 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION,  167 

church  built  a  substantial  stone  edifice  on  the  corner  of  Lou- 
isiana and  Pinckney  streets.  The  house  was  forty  feet  wide 
by  sixty-five  feet  long.  The  difficulty  of  getting  material 
delayed  the  work,  and  it  was  not  until  the  summer  of  1857 
that  the  building  was  enclosed  and  occupied.  In  the  spring 
of  1857  Mr.  Lum  was  compelled  to  resign  on  account  of  his 
health.  The  American  Home  Missionary  Society  appointed 
him  as  its  first  superintendent  of  missions  for  Kansas.  In 
the  autumn  of  1857,  the  present  pastor,  having  just  graduated 
from  the  'Theological  Seminary  at  Andover,  Massachusetts, 
became  pastor  of  the  church.  ''Having  obtained  help  of 
God,  he  continues  until  this  day." 

The  Methodist  Church  had  also  grown.  Organized  under 
a  tree,  they  lived  in  tents  and  private  houses  until  the  fall  of 
1858,  when  they  erected  a  frame  building  on  Vermont  street. 
The  building  was  not  large,  but  it  was  comfortable,  and,  be- 
ing near  the  business  center  of  the  town,  was  very  useful  in  a 
general  way  as  well  as  in  the  work  of  the  church.  Under  the 
earnest  lead  of  "Father  Dennis  "  revivals  were  enjoyed  and 
the  church  attained  a  good  degree  of  strength.  The  church 
building  still  stands  and  is  used  as  a  private  residence. 

The  Baptist  Church  did  not  attempt  to  build,  but  lived 
more  than  "two  years  in  their  own  hired  hall."  They  were 
an  earnest  band  of  Christians  and  did  good  work.  They  con- 
tinued in  rented  rooms  until  they  became  strong  enough  to 
build  the  elegant  house  of  worship  which  they  now  occupy. 

The  Presbyterian  Church  was  formed  in  1858.  There  was 
a  number  of  Presbyterian  families  in  the  place,  and  still  more 
in  the  country  near  by.  In  the  summer  of  1858  Rev.  William 
Wilson,  of  Lecompton,  commenced  holding  afternoon  services 
in  the  Congregational  Church,  coming  down  after  his  Sabbath 
morning  service  at  Lecompton.  In  a  few  weeks  a  Presbyter- 
ian Church  of  twenty-five  was  organized,  and  regular  services 
established  in  Miller's  hall.      Mr.  Wilson  having  other  work, 


1 68  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

now  urged  the  church  to  look  for  a  permanent  pastor.  Soon 
after  its  organization,  therefore,  the  church  secured  as  pastor 
Rev.  William  Bishop,  who  now  resides  at  Salina.  Dr.  Bishop 
was  born  in  Scotland,  but  came  to  America  in  his  ninth  year. 
He  is  a  graduate  of  Illinois  college  and  Princeton  theological 
seminary.  He  served  as  tutor  in  Greek  in  his  alma  mater  for 
two  years,  and  was  professor  of  Greek  in  Hanover  college, 
Indiana,  from  1852  until  1858,  w^hen  he  came  to  Lawrence, 
He  was  strong  in  logic  and  scholarly  in  his  tastes,  a  forcible 
wTiter  and  a  fluent  speaker.  In  his  ministry  of  three  years 
the  church  increased  nearly  four-fold.  In  i860  Mr.  Bishop 
resigned  and  went  with  Colonel  William  A.  Phillips  to  Salina 
where  he  assisted  in  developing  the  town  and  forming  a 
church,  and  where  he  still  resides.  The  church  at  Lawrence 
continued  to  w^orship  in  rented  houses  until  they  built  their 
present  stone  edifice  on  the  corner  of  Vermont  and  Warren 
streets. 

The  Episcopal  Church  was  also  formed  in  1858  under  the 
lead  of  Rev.  Charles  Reynolds,  afterwards  a  chaplain  in  the 
United  States  army.  Mr.  Reynolds  was  born  in  England  and 
came  to  this  country  in  his  thirteenth  year.  He  graduated  at 
the  Protestant  Episcopal  seminary  in  New  York  in  1846,  and 
was  settled  over  a  church  in  Brooklyn.  In  1855  he  became 
rector  of  Trinity  Church,  Columbus,  Ohio,  and  had  for  his 
parishoners  such  men  as  Salmon  P.  Chase.  He  was  a  man 
of  fine  presence  and  great  executive  force,  and  of  high  char- 
acter. He  remained  in  Lawrence  five  years,  and  during  his 
ministry  here  he  thoroughly  organized  the  parish  and  built  the 
main  part  of  the  unique  and  beautiful  chapel  which  still  stands 
upon  the  grounds  of  the  church.  He  also  secured  a  rectory 
for  the  parish.  He  resigned  about  1863  to  enter  the  army  as 
a  chaplain,  and  continued  in  that  service  the  remainder  of  his 
life. 

It  has  often  been  noticed  that  reforms  go  in  groups,  and  the 


[RS.    H.    M.    SIMPSON.  MRS.   GOV.    CH.\S.    ROBINSON. 

WOMpN  WHO  HELPED  TO  MAKE  KANSAS  fRF.E, 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  169 

ardent  friends  of  one  reform  are  usually  the  friends  of  all  re- 
forms. So  it  happened  that  the  early  settlers  of  Lawrence 
were  also  friends  of  temperance.  Almost  without  exception 
they  were  not  only  abstainers  themselves,  but  ardent  oppon- 
ents of  the  liquor  traffic.  Nearly  all  the  leading  men  were 
earnest  advocates  of  temperance.  A  few  days  after  the  first 
immigrants  arrived,  the  town  company  adopted  unanimously 
the  principles  of  the  Maine  law,  and  it  was  expressed  in  all 
deeds  given  that  liquor  should  not  be  sold  upon  the  lots  de- 
fined therein.  In  July  1855  a  prohibitory  liquor  law  was  sub- 
mitted to  a  vote  of  the  people  and  w^as  adopted  by  a  vote  of 
seventy-four  to  one.  In  the  disturbances  that  follow^ed  the 
matter  w^as  overlooked,  and  some  tippling  shops  were  opened. 
In  the  summer  of  1856  meetings  were  held  to  arouse  public 
interest,  and  then  the  women  took  the  matter  in  hand.  They 
iirst  tried  to  buy  the  stock  of  liquor  and  thus  close  up  the 
business.  When  this  was  found  impossible,  they  took  the 
hatchet  and  poured  all  the  liquor  they  could  find  into  the 
streets.  After  this  there  was  no  selling  for  some  time.  But 
as  the  town  grew,  wild  and  restless  spirits  came  in,  and  several 
saloons  were  kept  in  full  blast.  At  last  the  women  undertook 
the  work  again,  and  in  January  1857  forty  of  them  visited 
every  saloon  in  the  town  and  persuaded  their  owmers  all  to 
close  them.  In  some  cases  they  used  moral  suasion,  in  other 
cases  they  used  another  kind  of  argument.  But  in  every  case 
they  won  the  battle  and  closed  the  saloon.  The  women  had 
the  sympathy  of  most  of  the  men.  The  friends  of  temperance 
then  met  and  organized  a  vigilance  committee  to  keep  out  the 
sale  of  liquor  from  Lawrence.  For  a  long  time  after  this  the 
town  had  a  rest  and  was  free  from  saloons.  There  has  never 
been  lacking  in  Lawrence  something  of  the  same  spirit  which 
manifested  itself  in  those  early  days. 

The  part  taken  by  the  w^omenof  Lawrence  in  the  temperance 
cause  was  only  characteristic  of  them  in  all  lines.    They  came  to 


170  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

Kansas  with  a  full  understanding  of  what  they  had  to  meet,  and 
with  a  full  determination  to  endure  their  share  of  the  burden 
and  do  their  share  of  the  work.  In  all  the  excitement  of 
those  troubulous  years  there  is  no  record  of  a  woman  who 
deserted  her  post.  When  the  men  were  on  duty  the  women  were 
providing  rations.  When  the  men  were  in  the  trenches  with 
their  guns,  the  women  were  making  bullets  for  them  at  home. 
As  has  been  narrated,  when  ammunition  failed,  tvv^o  women 
boldly  rode  through  the  besiegers  lines  and  brought  in  a  new 
supply.  Often  and  often  were  they  left  in  lonely  cabins  on 
the  prairie,  while  their  husbands  were  on  the  march  or  in  the 
camp.  If  any  should  think  that  they  were  of  the  kind  who 
take  naturally  to  scenes  like  these  they  are  very  much  mis- 
taken. The  women  of  Lawrence  were  womanly.  They  had 
been  tenderly  reared  in  cultured  homes,  and  were  as  modest 
and  retiring  as  any  that  could  be  found.  They  simply  had 
strong  convictions,  and  devoted  their  lives  to  their  mainte- 
nance. If  the  pilgrim  mothers  deserve  equal  praise  with  the 
pilgrim  fathers,  the  women  of  Lawrence,  and  of  Kansas,  de- 
serve equal  praise  with  the  men  of  Lawrence  and  of  Kansas. 
In  i860  there  came  what  has  ever  since  been  known  as 
''the  drouth."  There  have  been  other  dry  seasons,  but  this 
was  preeminently  ''the  drouth."  It  needs  no  descriptive 
adjectives,  and  no  date,  to  make  any  old  Kansan  know  what 
is  meant.  He  never  uses  any  adjective  in  speaking  of  it,  any 
more  than  he  would  use  an  adjective  in  speaking  of  the  flood. 
Since  then  dry  spells  have  destroyed  this  crop  and  that, 
sometimes  at  one  end  of  the  season  and  sometimes  at  the 
other.  But  this  drouth  of  i860  swept  the  calender.  It  com- 
menced in  September  1859,  and  continued  until  October  i860, 
a  period  of  thirteen  months.  I  am  not  able  to  say  what  the 
rainfall  of  this  period  was.  The  annual  rainfall  reported  at 
Fort  Riley  for  i860  was  seventeen  inches,  about  one-half  of 
the  usual  amount.      But  that  report  includes  the  rain  that  fell 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  I7I 

in  the  autumn  of  that  3^ear  after  the  drouth  was  broken. 
During  the  whole  period  there  was  not  a  shower  that  wet  the 
earth  more  than  two  inches  deep,  and  very  few  that  did  more 
than  lay  the  dust.  There  was  a  little  snow  in  the  winter,  but 
it  evaporated  as  it  melted.  In  April  the  ground  was  dry  as 
ashes.  Seeds  sown  in  the  garden  did  not  even  come  up  in 
many  cases,  and  in  some  cases  came  up  the  next  spring,  hale 
and  hearty.  On  the  rich  bottom  lands  below  Lawrence,  and 
a  few  other  favored  spots,  there  was  a  little  corn  grown  in 
fields  that  were  sown  early  and  well  cared  for.  But  over  the 
country  generally  there  were  thousands  of  acres  from  which 
not  an  ear  was  gathered.  The  prairie  grass,  which  other 
years  often  produces  two  tons  of  good  hay  to  the  acre,  was 
scarcely  two  inches  high,  and  it  was  dried  to  a  crisp.  On 
some  low  spots  near  the  streams,  where  the  grass  often  grows 
ten  feet  high,  a  little  hay  could  be  gathered.  Two  brothers, 
farmers  just  west  of  Lawrence,  went  about  the  country  with 
team  and  tools,  and  gathered  up  bits  of  grass  here  and  there 
as  they  could  find  it,  and  had  all  the  hay  they  needed.  But 
those  less  enterprising  were  as  destitute  of  hay  as  they  were 
of  corn.  The  streams  and  wells  mostly  went  dry,  and  farmers 
were  compelled  to  haul  water  for  miles  for  their  cattle.  The 
Wakarusa  river  had  pools  of  water  along  its  course  in  deep 
and  sheltered  places,  but  there  was  no  stream,  whatever,  run- 
ning in  the  channel.  The  writer  of  this  drove  from  Wyan- 
dotte to  Lawrence  in  July  on  the  south  side  of  the  Kansas 
river.  For  twenty-five  miles  he  could  not  buy  or  beg  a  pail 
of  water  for  his  horse.  At  one  farm  house  after  another  he 
was  refused.  There  was  no  unkindness  in  it,  but  the  people 
had  not  the  water  to  spare  for  travelers'  horses.  During  this 
summer  the  sun  poured  down  its  burnihg  rays  day  after  day, 
and  the  hot  winds  seemed  like  the  breath  of  a  hot  furnace. 

As  the  autumn  came  the  question  pressed   ''what  must  the 
people  do?"     Most   of  them  were  new-comers    and    had  no 


172  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

accumulated  stores.  A  great  many  left  the  country.  It  is 
said  that  thirty  thousand  people,  one-third  of  the  population, 
left  the  territory.  As  many  more  would  be  compelled  to  leave 
unless  they  could  have  relief.  They  would  thus  have  to 
abandon  all  they  had  done  and  all  they  had  gained.  It  would 
throw  the  country  back  several  years.  Under  the  lead  of 
General  S.  C.  Pomeroy  and  other  far-seeing  men,  appeal 
was  made  to  the  more  fortunate  sections,  and  a  very  liberal 
response  was  given.  From  Illinois  and  other  prosperous 
states,  large  quantities  of  corn  and  other  provisions  were  sent, 
which  were  distributed  among  the  people.  Thus  thousands 
were  enabled  to  remain  who  would  otherwise  have  been 
compelled  to  abandon  their  farms  and  their  homes  and  lose 
all  they  had  gathered.  It  was  feared  there  would  be  a  great 
loss  in  stock  as  there  was  no  hay  and  no  feed.  But  the  short 
prairie  grass,  dried  in  the  rainless  air,  was  cured  on  the 
ground  like  hay.  Until  the  snow  came  in  January,  1861, 
cattle  kept  in  good  condition,  running  at  large  on  the  prairie. 
They  were  very  lean  and  weak  in  the  spring,  but  most  of  the 
stock  came  through  the  winter  alive. 

There  was  less  distress  about  Lawrence  than  in  newer 
sections.  The  country  was  older  and  the  farmers  were  better 
fixed.  But  even  here  very  many  farmers  would  have  suffered 
but  for  the  timely  aid  rendered  them. 

The  territorial  legislature  met  for  the  last  time  January  7th, 
1 861.  The  usual  order  was  followed,  and  they  met  in  Lecomp- 
ton  and  adjourned  to  Lawrence.  They  did  not  do  much  except 
wait  the  tardy  action  of  congress  in  admitting  Kansas  into  the 
union.  The  Wyandotte  constitution  had  been  framed  and 
ratified  more  than  a  year  before.  It  had  been  presented  to 
congress  the  preceding  April,  and  had  passed  the  house  April 
nth,  i860.  In  the  senate  it  hung  fire  for  months,  being 
opposed  by  the  administration  and  the  entire  force  of  its 
party.      But    a    great    change    had    come    over    the    country. 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  1 75 

Lincoln  had  been  elected  president,  and  the  southern  states 
began  to  secede,  one  state  after  another.  January  21st,  1861, 
the  senators  for  Alabama,  Mississippi  and  Florida  withdrew 
from  the  senate  to  go  with  their  states  which  had  seceded. 
William  H.  Seward  at  once  moved  to  take  up  the  Kansas 
bill,  and  the  bill  was  passed.  The  house  immediately  accepted 
the  senate  amendments,  and  the  bill  went  to  the  president. 
Mr.  Buchanan  signed  it  and  Kansas  became  a  state  January 
29th,  1 861.  The  news  was  received  at  Lawrence  with  un- 
bounded delight.  In  his  speech  on  the  Wyandotte  conven- 
tion at  the  quarter  centennial  of  the  admission  of  Kansas, 
Hon.  B.   F.  Simpson  describes  the  scene. 

"I  well  remember  the  earlier  part  of  the  night  of  January 
29th,  1 86 1.  I  was  at  the  Eldridge  House  in  Lawrence,  a 
member  of  the  last  territorial  legislature  that  was  holding  its 
session  in  that  dearly  beloved  free-state  city.  There  was 
from  three  to  four  inches  of  snow  on  the  ground  *  *  *  and 
the  night  was  windy  and  cold.  It  must  have  been  as  late  as 
nine  o'clock  when  D.  R.  Anthony  came  into  the  hotel  with  a 
sturdy  stride  and  flashing  eyes,  and  told  us  that  the  president 
of  the  United  States  had  that  day  signed  the  bill  admitting 
Kansas  into  the  union.  He  brought  with  him  and  scattered 
around  extras  of  a  newspaper  published  at  Leavenworth 
called  The  Conservative,  announcing  the  joyful  tidings  in 
flaming  headlines.  *  *  *  There  was  a  sound  of  revelry 
that  night  in  Lawrence,  for  the  news  spread  like  wildfire 
through  the  town.  Houses  were  lighted,  doors  were  thrown 
open,  and  the  people  gathered  in  public  places.  Old  Sacra- 
mento was  taken  from  his  resting  place  and  emphasized  with 
hoarse  throat  the  good  tidings." 

The  rejoicing  was  universal  and  sincere.  Kansas  had  good 
reason  to  rejoice  in  the  new  order.  The  territorial  condition 
had  proved  a  hard  one  to  her,  and  admission  into  the  union 
was  her  deliverance  from  oppression.     The  rejoicings  however 


174  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

were  moderated  by  the  thought  that  she  came  into  the  union, 
just  as  the  union  seemed  to  be  going  to  pieces.  But  she 
believed  in  the  union,  and  believed  it  would  be  maintained, 
and  was  ready  to  help  maintain  it  whenever  her  help  was 
called  for. 

The  territorial  authorities  now  gave  way  to  the  state 
authorities.  Very  appropriately  Charles  Robinson,  who  had 
led  the  free-state  cause  with  such  consummate  wisdom,  became 
the  first  governor  of  the  new  commonwealth.  As  often 
happens,  the  political  importance  of  Lawrence  was  to  decline 
with  the  success  of  the  cause  for  which  she  had  stood  so  long, 
and  for  which  she  had  suffered  so  much.  Up  to  this  time  she 
had  been  the  center  of  all  public  interest.  She  might  be 
called  the  capital  of  the  free-state  party,  and  now  the  free- 
state  party  was  co-extensive  with  Kansas.  After  the  free- 
state  people  secured  control  of  the  legislature  Lawrence  was 
*'de  facto"  the  capital  of  the  territory,  though  legally  Le- 
compton  still  held  that  distinction.  The  new  constitution 
under  which  Kansas  now  was  to  live,  provided  that  the  legis- 
lature shonld  hold  its  first  session  at  Topeka.  This  legisla- 
ture passed  a  bill  submitting  the  question  of  the  permanent 
capital  to  a  vote  of  the  people.  That  vote  was  taken  Novem- 
ber 5th,  1861.  Lawrence  and  Topeka  were  the  two  com- 
petitors. In  the  election,  Lawrence  received  5,291  votes  and 
Topeka  received  7,996  votes.  Thus  Topeka  became  the 
capital  of  the  state. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

The  Beginning  of  the  Civil  War. — Exposed  Condition  of 
Kansas. — Her  Interest  in  the  Conflict. — The  First 
Enlistments. — The  Battle  of  Wilson's  Creek. — The 
Contrabands. — Lawrence  in  Close  Touch  with  the 
Soldiers. 

The  old  saying  is,  ''If  it  is  not  one  thing  it  is  another." 
The  drought  had  passed  away  and  plenty  had  returned;   the 
territorial   struggle   had  ended  in  victory  and  Kansas  was  a 
free  state.      Now  new  troubles  confronted  the  long  disturbed 
community.       The   war   of   the   rebellion   broke  out  and   the 
whole  nation  was  in  arms.      One  by  one  the  southern  states 
had  seceded  after  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  as  president, 
and  the  confederate  states  had  set  up  a  government  of  their 
own.      So  far  no  collision  had  occurred.      But  on  April   12, 
1861,  the  confederate   troops  opened  fire  on  Fort  Sumpter,  in 
Charleston   harbor,  occupied  by  a  small   garrison   of   United 
States  troops.      It  was  a  small  affair  in  itself — an  unimportant 
fort   in   a  southern  harbor,  occupied  by  a  small  garrison  of 
United  States  troops,  fired  upon  by  confederate  batteries  and 
compelled    to    surrender.       But   it   meant   that   the   seceding 
states    had    cast    off  the   federal   authority,    and   intended   to 
maintain  their  separation  at  any  cost.    The  federal  goverment 
must  either  abandon  all  claim  over  the  seceding  states  or  re- 
sent the  attack.     The  whole  country  was  ablaze  in  an  instant. 
It  was  the  overt  act  for  which  events  had  been  waiting,  and  for 
which  both  sides  had  been  holding  their  breath.      Everybody 
had  known  it  was  coming  in  some  form  or  other  and  were 
wondering    when   and   where    it   would   be.      They  knew   the 
explosion   could   not  be  long  delayed.      The  southern  states 
had  seceded,  organized  a  government  and  equipped  an  army, 
and  were  everywhere  contesting  the  authority  of  the  United 


176  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

States.  Such  a  condition  of  things  could  not  continue  long. 
When  a  collision  came,  it  would  not  cease  till  the  question 
was  settled,  ''By  what  authority  doest  thou  these  things?" 
The  clash  of  arms  occurred  in  Charleston  harbor,  but  the 
shock  was  felt  to  the  remotest  limits  of  the  union.  A  bugle 
call  in  a  military  camp  could  hardly  have  brought  an  army  to 
its  feet  more  promptly  than  the  firing  on  Sumpter  brought  the 
nation  to  its  feet.  Three  days  after,  April  15th,  President 
Lincoln  issued  his  call  for  seventy-five  thousand  volunteers, 
and  in  three  days  more  than  seventy-five  thousand  volunteers 
were  on  the  march.  Of  this  great  uprising  at  the  north, 
James  G.  Blaine  says,  in  his  "Twenty  Years  in  the  United 
States  Senate,"  ''The  proclamation  was  responded  to  in  the 
loyal  states  with  an  unparalleled  burst  of  enthusiasm.  On 
the  day  of  its  issue  hundreds  of  public  meetings  were  held 
from  the  eastern  borders  of  Maine  to  the  extreme  western 
frontier.  Work  was  suspended  on  farm  and  in  factory,  and 
the  whole  people  was  roused  to  patriotic  ardor,  and  to  a 
determination  to  subdue  the  rebellion."  Soon  after  the  call 
for  seventy-five  thousand  troops,  another  call  was  issued  for 

"  Three  hundred  thousand  more." 
The  whole  country,  w^hich  for  forty  years  had  not  heard  the 
sound   of  war,  w^as  transformed  as  by  magic   into   one   great 
martial  camp. 

The  position  of  Kansas  was  peculiar  and  critical.  She  was 
a  small  community,  isolated  from  her  sympathizing  sister 
states,  so  isolated  indeed  that  in  1856  she  had  been  almost 
entirely  cut  off  from  communication  with  her  friends.  And  if 
this  could  be  done  in  a  time  of  peace,  what  might  not  be  done 
in  a  time  of  war  ?  The  rich  and  pow^erful  state  of  Missouri 
lay  on  her  eastern  border.  Missouri  was  a  doubtful  state. 
She  had  a  large  slave  population  and  the  most  violent  pro- 
slavery  sentiment  anywhere  to  be  found.  Her  governor  was 
Claiborne  F.  Jackson  w^ho  led  the  body  of  Missourians  who 


FRED.    VV.    REAl  COL.    S.    W.    ELDRIDGE. 

PIONEER  BUSINESS  MEN  IN  LAWRENCE. 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  1 77 

invaded  Lawrence  at  the  election  March  30,  1855,  and  took 
possession  of  the  polls  and  elected  '' the  bogus  legislature. " 
The  commander  of  her  militia  was  Sterling  Price,  who  became 
one  of  the  ablest  and  most  noted  of  the  confederate  generals. 
February  28,  1861,  a  state  convention  was  called  to  consider 
whether  Missouri  should  remain  in  the  union  or  go  with  the 
confederacy.  Sterling  Price  was  president  of  the  convention, 
and  he  and' Governor  Jackson  used  all  their  influence  in  favor 
of  secession.  The  convention,  however,  decided  to  remain  in 
the  union.  In  spite  of  the  convention,  Governor  Jackson  and 
General  Price  did  all  in  their  power  to  carry  the  state  over 
to  the  confederacy,  and  they  would  have  succeeded  but  for  the 
prompt  action  of  General  Lyon  at  St.  Louis  and  Jefferson 
City.  The  disloyal  feeling  was  especially  strong  along  the 
western  border,  or  more  properly  in  the  western  half  of  the 
state.  It  was  from  this  section  that  the  expeditions  had  been 
fitted  up  to  invade  Kansas  during  the  border  conflict.  As  war 
became  iminent  it  was  a  general  feeling  that  Missouri  would 
be  hostile  ground,  as  far  as  Kansas  was  concerned  at  least. 
Kansas  would  be  exposed  to  all  the  dangers  of  a  hostile 
frontier.  She  would  be  subjected  to  all  the  horrors  of  a 
border  warfare,  unrestrained  even  by  the  pretense  of  law  and 
order. 

But  there  was  no  flinching.  The  people  of  Kansas  regarded 
the  war  as  the  inevitable  sequence  of  the  events  which  had 
preceded  it.  It  was  only  a  continuation  and  extension  of  the 
struggle  which  had  been  going  on  in  Kansas  .for  six  years. 
It  was  simply  bringing  to  a  focus  conditions  which  had  long 
existed  and  which  could  have  but  one  issue. 

Lawrence  was  in  peculiar  peril  because  peculiarly  exposed. 
She  was  only  forty  miles  from  the  Missouri  border,  and  was 
the  center  of  ''border  ruffian"  hate.  And  the  border  ruf- 
fians lived  ''just  across  the  border.^'  Three  times  they  had 
marched  upon  her  with  threats  of  destruction.  Twice  they 
12 


178  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

had  been  thwarted  by  the  superior  diplomacy  of  the  free-state 
leaders.  And  when  they  entered  LawTence  and  ransacked 
the  town,  May  21,  1856,  the  affair  reacted  to  their  discomfiture 
and  shame  worse  than  defeat.  In  that  turbulent  time  there 
were  many  wrongs  done  on  both  sides,  and  many  deep 
personal  animosities  created.  The  rancor  of  the  early  struggle 
had  not  lost  any  of  its  violence  by  being  thwarted  in  its  pur- 
pose. All  knew  that  it  only  wanted  an  opportunity  to 
accomplish  what  it  had  attempted  so  often  and  had  been  so 
often  repulsed.  The  people  felt  from  the  first  that  they  were 
exposed  not  only  to  the  fortunes  of  legitimate  warfare,  but  to 
the  irregular  and  barbarous  inroads  of  the  old  foe. 

The  people  of  Lawrence  had  also  a  peculiar  interest  in  the 
conflict  from  another  point  of  view.  Some  one  has  said  that 
^'When  a  man  fights  a  bear  it  is  not  simply  a  question  which 
shall  whip,  but  whether  the  man  shall  become  bear  or  the 
bear  shall  become  man;  for  whichever  whips  will  eat  the 
other."  Kansas  was  much  in  the  same  position.  She  would 
almost  necessarily  go  with  the  victors.  If  the  confederacy 
won  she  would  claim  Missouri,  and  Kansas  could  hardly 
stand  alone. 

The  Kansas  people,  therefore,  «threw  themselves  into  the 
conflict  with  a  unanimit}^  that  was  hardly  possible  anywhere 
else.  The  population  of  Kansas  in  i860  was  only  107,206. 
Out  of  this  population  22,000  men  enlisted  in  the  Union  army. 
This  would  be  about  equivalent  to  her  entire  voting  popula- 
tion. Twenty-tWo  regiments  entered  the  service.  Lawrence 
was  not  behind  her  sister  towns  in  enthusiasm  and  enlist- 
ments. It  is  not  easy  to  learn  the  number  of  men  who  went 
into  the  army  from  Lawrence.  There  were  not  many  of  the 
twenty-two  regiments  which  did  not  contain  Lawrence  men. 
The  largest  number  probably  enlisted  in  the  first  regiment. 
In  this  regiment  a  number  of  her  most  noted  men  were  found. 
They  had  been  prominent  in  the   early    struggle,   and    were 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  1 79 

prompt  to  offer  themselves  for  service  in  the  larger  conflict 
which  had  grown  out  of  it.  The  colonel  of  the  first  regiment 
was  George  W.  Deitzler,  whose  council  and  courage  had  so 
often  availed  before.  In  the  very  beginning  of  the  border 
ruflian'  troubles,  when  it  was  necessary  to  secure  arms  from 
the  East,  he  was  sent  on  the  secret  and  delicate  mission.  He 
was  a  member  of  the  committee  of  safety,  and  in  many  rela- 
tions proved  himself  a  brave  and  reliable  man.  He  was 
arrested  for  high  treason,  and,  with  other  free-state  men,  lay 
for  several  months  in  the  prison  camp  near  Lecompton. 
When  President  Lincoln  called  for  troops  he  offered  himself 
at  once  and  was  placed  in  command  of  the  first  regiment  of 
Kansas  volunteers.  He  led  his  regiment  with  great  valor  at 
the  battle  of  Wilson's  creek  a  few  weeks  after  their  enlist- 
ment, and  was  severely  wounded  in  the  fight.  He  was  after- 
wards promoted  to  the  rank  of  brigadier  general,  and  served 
with  credit  until  the  close  of  the  war.  O.  E.  Learnard  was 
Lieutenant  Colonel  of  the  first  regiment  and  served  with  dis- 
tinction in  Tennessee  and  Mississippi.  He  was  much  of  the 
time  in  command  of  the  regiment. 

Samuel  Walker  -was  also  in  this  first  regiment.  In  fact 
he  raised  the  first  company,  and  was  appointed  captain  of  it. 
Most  of  the  men  of  this  company  were  from  Lawrence.  He  had 
been  the  most  trusted  of  all  the  early  military  leaders  in  1855 
and  1856.  He  first  organized  his  neighbors  for  defense,  and 
soon  became  a  general  leader.  He  led  at  Fort  Saunders  and 
Fort  Titus,  and  many  other  of  the  early  conflicts.  When  the 
war  broke  out  he  very  naturally  entered  the  larger  army  for 
wider  service.  In  the  battle  of  W^ilson's  creek  he  was  in  the 
thick  of  the  fight,  but  though  his  hat  and  clothes  were  riddled 
with  bullets,  he  came  through  without  a  scratch.  He  was 
promoted  afterwards  to  major,  then  colonel,  and  continued  in 
the  service  till  the  war  closed.  Frank  B.  Swift,  who  had  been 
captain  of  the  Stubbs,  became  also  a  captain  in  this  first  reg- 


l8o  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

iment.  Caleb  S.  Pratt,  the  clerk  of  the  city  of  Lawrence, 
became  a  lieutenant,  and  was  killed  in  the  battle  of  Wilson's 
creek.  Lawrence,  perhaps,  was  more  closely  concerned  in 
this  regiment  than  any  other  on  account  of  the  number  of 
Lawrence  men  in  the  ranks. 

When  the  first  regiment  was  called  for  almost  enough  men 
offered  themselves  for  two  regiments.  As  the  first  regiment 
was  mustered  in,  a  second  regiment  was  filled  up  and  organ- 
ized and  lay  at  Lawrence  two  weeks  before  they  knew  that 
they  would  be  accepted.  They  were  finally  mustered  in 
June  2oth,  1861,  and  they  marched  at  once  to  the  front,  and  in 
a  month  or  so  were  engaged  in  the  desperate  battle  of  W^il- 
son's  creek.  This  regiment  also  contained  a  large  number  of 
Lawrence  men.  Edward  D.  Thompson,  Shaler  W.  Eldridge 
were  field  officers,  while  Joseph  Cracklin,  Thomas  J.  Stern- 
bergh,  Warren  Kimball  were  officers  in  companies. 

To  attempt  to  name  all  the  Lawrence  men  who  entered  the 
United  States  service  from  first  to  last  would  be  almost  the 
same  as  giving  a  directory  of  the  city.  Even  those  who  served 
as  officers  would  make  a  long  list.  Among  the  names  that 
would  come  at  once  to  mind  are  John-  G.  Haskell  and  his 
brother  Dudley  C.  Haskell,  Wm.  A.  Rankin  and  John  K. 
Rankin,  Charles  W.  Adams,  Owen  A.  Bassett,  James 
Christian,  George  F.  Earl,  A.  D.  Searle,  Arthur  Gunther, 
L.  S.  Shaw,  Oliver  Barber,  Hugh  Cameron,  H.  L.  Moore, 
W.  C.  Barnes,  John  Pratt,  Charles  F.  Garrett,  and 
many  others,  who  served  as  officers  of  different  degrees. 
James  H.  Lane  was  commissioned  as  brigadier  general  early 
in  the  war,  and  led  a  brigade  in  Missouri  at  such  intervals  as 
he  could  be  absent  from  his  seat  in  the  senate.  At  ieast  four 
of  the  Lawrence  pastors  served  as  chaplains:  Rev.  Ephraim 
Nute,  of  the  Unitarian  Church,  in  the  first  regiment;  Rev.  R. 
C.  Brant,  of  the  Baptist  Church,  in  the  second;  Rev.  Charles 
Reynolds,  of   the   Episcopal   Church,  in   the   second  cavalry. 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  ibl 

and  Rev.  H.  D.  Fisher,  of  the  Methodist  Church,  in  the  fifth 
regiment. 

Of  all  the  battles  of  the  war  Lawrence  was  perhaps  more 
interested  in  that  at  Wilson's  creek  August  lo,  1861.  The 
second  regiment  had  been  mustered  in  only  about  a  month 
when  they  were  thrown  into  this  terriffic  contest,  which,  con- 
sidering the  number  engaged,  was  one  of  the  most  stubbornly 
contested  battles  of  the  whole  war.  It  was  also  a  pivotal 
event  in  the  progress  of  the  war  in  the  West,  and  Lawrence, 
and  Kansas,  watched  the  result  with  very  deep  concern.  It 
had  long  been  known  that  a  large  force  of  rebels  were  march- 
ing northward  to  recover  the  ground  they  had  lost  in  Missouri. 
The  deposed  governor  of  the  state,  Claibore  F.  Jackson,  had 
been  driven  out  of  his  capital  by  General  Lyon,  and  was 
coming  with  a  large  army  from  Arkansas,  hoping  to  recover 
his  office.  The  fate  of  Missouri  and  Kansas  might  turn  on 
the  issue  of  that  battle.  There  were  no  regular  lines  of  com- 
munication, and  it  was  several  days  before  full  particulars 
could  be  obtained  in  Lawrence,  and  they  were  days  of  anxiety, 
both  for  the  fate  of  the  men  engaged,  and  the  tremendous 
issues  at  stake.  A  letter  written  August  13th  by  a  citizen  of 
Lawrence  to  a  friend  in  Massachusetts,  shows  something  of 
the  state  of  mind  the  people  were  in: 

''We  have  reports  today  of  a  battle  near  Springfield,  Mis- 
souri, in  which  General  Lyon  is  killed,  but  his  army  victori- 
ous. The  rebel  account,  however,  says  his  army  is  defeated. 
It  is  impossible  to  get  reliable  information.  We  await  the 
result  with  great  anxiety:  for  if  the  federal  troops  are  driven 
from  Missouri  we  shall  very  likely  all  be  compelled  to  leave 
the  country.  Whether  we  can  stay  here  or  not  may  turn  on 
the  issue  of  this  battle.  If  the  confederacy  gets  control  of 
Missouri  it  may  carry  Kansas  with  her.  In  that  case  the  peo- 
ple that  are  here  now  will  not  be  able  to  remain." 

The    final    reports    showed    that   the    battle     had    been    so 


1 82  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

desperately  contested  that  the  rebel  advance  was  checked, 
and  Lyon's  forces  fell  back  to  their  base  of  supplies  at 
Rolla. 

Lawrence  felt  the  throb  of  the  war  in  many  ways.  Bodies 
of  troops  were  almost  constantly  passing  through  on  their 
way  to  battle  fields  further  down.  They  often  stopped  on 
their  march  and  camped  for  several  da3^s.  At  one  time  two 
regiments,  fresh  from  home,  lay  encamped  for  several  weeks 
just  above  the  town,  waiting  to  be  ordered  to  the  front.  They 
were  a  noble  lot  of  men,  and  the  citizens  became  very  warmly 
attached  to  them,  and  followed  them  with  deep  interest  when 
they  went.  Sometimes  the  flow  was  the  other  way.  Once 
word  was  sent  that  a  large  number  of  sick  and  wounded 
soldiers  from  the  battle  fields  of  Arkansas  and  southwest 
Missouri  were  coming  to  us.  All  the  vacant  rooms  that 
could  be  secured  were  put  to  use  for  hospital  service,  and 
ladies  volunteered  to  assist  in  nursing  the  poor  fellows. 
Everything  possible  was  done  to  make  them  comfortable,  and 
to  restore  them  to  health  and  their  country.  Quite  frequently 
union  refugees  from  the  south  came  to  Lawrence  and  remained 
till  it  was  safe  to  return  to  their  homes. 

The  most  unique  movement  caused  by  the  war  was  the 
influx  into  Lawrence  of  negroes  escaping  from  slavery.  They 
began  to  come  as  soon  as  the  war  opened.  At  first  it  was 
only  now  and  then  one  more  energetic  and  enterprising  than 
the  rest.  But  they  kept  coming  thicker  and  faster  until  they 
were  coming  by  scores.  The  movement  was  doubtless  accel- 
erated by  the  measures  taken  by  slaveholders  to  prevent  it. 
Among  other  things  they  began  selling  their  slaves  down 
south  where  they  would  have  no  hope  of  escape.  There  was 
no  horror  in  the  negro  mind  more  dreaded  than  being  ''sold 
down  south"  into  the  gulf  states.  It  was  hopeless  bondage 
there.  The  news  soon  spread  that  the  slaves  were  being  sold 
down  'south.      One  man  came  to  Lawrence  whose  wife  had 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  183 

been  sold  down  into  Alabama.  He  was  to  be  sold  also  and 
to  be  sent  in  another  direction.  He  took  a  direction  of  his 
own  without  consulting  his  master. 

This  same  thing  was  occurring  all  along  the  border  of  the 
free  states.  Wherever  union  soldiers  were  stationed,  slaves 
would  escape  from  their  masters  and  run  into  camp.  They 
had  the  most  implicit  faith  in  *'Massa  Lincoln,"  and  most 
thoroughly  believed  that  the  war  was  for  their  liberation. 
They  knew,  as  everybody  did,  that  it  had  grown  out  of 
slavery.  But  their  coming  into  the  union  lines  raised  a 
difficult  question,  and  some  of  the  tender-footed  generals  were 
at  a  loss  what  to* do.  Slavery  had  not  been  abolished,  and 
the  fugitive  slave  law  had  not  been  repealed.  The  owners  of 
these  slaves  came  into  camp,  claimed  to  be  union  men,  and 
demanded  the  return  of  their  slaves.  What  must  be  done? 
The  war  had  not  changed  the  law.  Yet  these  negroes  were 
enthusiastic  for  the  union  and  loved  the  flag.  It  seemed 
cruel  and  absurd  to  send  such  men  back  to  the  enemy  to  be 
beaten  and  put  in  chains,  perhaps,  because  they  loved  their 
country  and  wanted  to  be  free.  General  Ben  Butler  finally 
cut  the  knot.  A  large  number  of  slaves  came  into  his  camp 
at  Fortress  Monroe.  He  put  them  to  work  on  the  intrench- 
ments.  The  owners  soon  came  with  injured  tone  and  look, 
and  asked  for  the  ''return  of  their  property"  which  had 
escaped  into  the  union  lines.  Old  Ben  Butler  refused  to 
return  them.  When  asked  for  the  grounds  of  his  refusal  he 
replied  that  they  were  "contrabands  of  war. "  Whether  his 
answer  was  sound  in  a  legal  point  of  view  has  never  been 
determined.  But  in  the  words  of  Shakespeare,  "It  was 
enough;  it  would  serve."  There  were  no  more  attempts  to 
reclaim  slaves  that  had  fled  to  the  union  lines.  For  a  long 
time  these  refugees  went  by  the  name  of  "contrabands." 

The  slaves  escaping  from  the  Missouri  border  made  their 
way  to  Lawrence  as  if  by  instinct.     They  had  heard  of  Law- 


I04  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

rence  in  her  early  struggles.  They  knew  how  their  masters 
hated  her;  consequently  they  loved  her.  They  all  felt  that 
they  would  be  safe  if  they  could  only  get  to  Lawrence. 
Lawrence  became  to  them  what  the  polar  star  had  been  to 
the  fugitives  of  former  years.  Their  '^star  of  hope"  had 
moved  up  several  hundred  miles.  Whenever  one  had  deter- 
mined to  escape,  and  was  fairl}^  out  of  the  toils  of  his  master, 
he  headed  for  Lawrence  and  plodded  on  by  day  and  by  night 
till  he  reached  the  goal. 

The  people  of  Lawrence  did  not  need  the  ^'contraband" 
subterfuge  to  keep  these  poor  fellows  from  being  sent  back  to 
their  masters.  They  had  met  the  question  before  and  were 
fairly  well  settled  in  their  minds.  The  ''entertaining  of 
strangers"  was  not  altogether  a  new  grace  among  them.  But 
their  "faith"  was  very  severely  tried  by  the  numbers  that 
came.  They  began  to  feel  that  virtue  was  not  always  its 
own  reward.  They  almost  regretted  the  reputation  their 
history  had  given  them.  Most  of  those  who  came  were  en- 
tirely destitute  and  had  no  idea  or  plan  beyond  getting  to 
Lawrence.  Now  and  then  one  had  "spoiled  the  Egyptians" 
and  brought  some  little  with  him.  But  the  great  majority 
were  kept  from  doing  this  either  by  conscience  or  a  vigilant 
guard.  They  brought  nothing  with  them  but  the  clothes  they 
had  on,  and  these  w^ould  have  filled  the  Gibeonites  with  envy. 
They  were  old  and  torn,  tied  up  with  strings  and  pinned  with 
thorns.  The  fear  was  very  natural  that  these  unfortunate 
men  would  be  a  serious  burden  to  the  people  who  had  about 
all  they  could  carry  already.  But  in  this  they  were  happily 
disappointed.  These  people  were  strong  and  healthy  and 
ready  to  work  at  anything  that  was  offered.  They  were  so 
glad  to  be  free  that  they  would  accept  any  shelter  they  could 
find,  and  were  satisfied  with  the  simplest  food.  By  a  little 
systematic  planning  work  was  found  for  them  as  fast  as  they 
came,  and  this  unique  community  of  freedmen  was  self- 
sustaining  almost  from  the  start. 


GEO.    W.    HUTCHINSON.  jOHN    H.    SHIMMONS. 

I^ARLY  BUSINESS  MEN  IN  LAWRENCE. 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  1 85 

These  people  showed  a  great  eagerness  to  learn.  Very  few 
of  them  could  either  read  or  write.  They  had  not  been 
allowed  to  learn  in  their  condition  as  slaves.  Teaching  a 
slave  was  a  crime  punished  with  severe  penalties.  As  soon 
as  they  were  free,  therefore,  they  were  very  eager  to  learn. 
To  accommodate  them  a  night  school  was  established  in 
Lawrence  to  which  anj^body  could  come  who  wished.  It  was 
taught  by  volunteer  teachers  who  offered  their  services  freely, 
some  of  the  most  cultivated  ladies  of  the  place  giving  five 
evenings  every  week  to  this  work.  For  greater  efficiency  it 
was  conducted  in  the  form  of  a  Sabbath  school,  each  teacher 
having  but  four  or  five  scholars  to  care  for.  A  writer  in  the 
Lawrence  State  Journal  describes  a  visit  to  the  school  in 
December,  1861.  He  says  there  were  eighty-three  scholars 
present  and  twenty-seven  teachers.  They  were  of  all  ages; 
a  class  of  restless  little  girls  on  one  bench,  and  a  class  of 
grown  men  on  another.  They  all  began  with  the  alphabet. 
In  five  nights  some  of  them  were  spelling  words  of  two 
sylables.  Some  who  began  when  the  school  opened,  were 
able  to  read  fluently  and  were  ready  to  commence  in  figures. 
After  the  lesson  they  sang.  One  of  their  songs  seemed  very 
appropriate  and  they  sang  as  if  they  meant  it: 

"  Where,  oh,  where  is  the  Captain  Moses, 
Who  led  Israel  out  of  Egypt  ? 
Safe  now  in  the  promised  land." 

Most  of  the  early  fugitives  were  among  the  most  energetic 
and  enterprising  of  the  slaves.  Most  of  them  remained  in 
Lawrence,  and  they  and  their  families  are  among  the  most 
prosperous  and  well  to  do  of  our  colored  population.  If  the 
spirit  of  common  sympathy  and  helpfuUness  which  was  so 
marked  at  first,  could  have  been  kept  up  it  would  have  been 
vastly  better  for  both  races  and  for  all  concerned. 

Lawrence  was  more  prosperous  during  the  first  three  years 
of  the  war  than  she  had  been  the  three  year's  preceding.    The 


1 86  A    HISTORY    0F._  LAWRENCE 

war  gave  employment  to  many  people.  Those  in  the  army 
sent  their  money  back  to  their  families,  and  farm  produce 
found  a  ready  market  at  good  prices.  The  country  about 
Lawrence  was  very  rich  and  many  excellent  farms  were  being 
developed.  There  was  no  special  growth  in  the  town,  and 
very  little  building  was  done,  but  there  were  some  improve- 
ments and  a  general  air  of  thrift.  Business  was  fairly  good, 
and  the  frequent  passing  of  troops  and  travelers  made  things 
lively  and  fresh.  People  became  accustomed  to  the  condition 
of  war  and  adjusted  themselves  to  it.  The  frequent  alarms 
which  at  first  disturbed  people  had  come  to  be  regarded  as  a 
part  of  the  situation.  The  progress  of  the  war  was  watched 
with  closest  interest  on  account  of  the  great  issues  involved, 
and  also  from  the  fact  that  Kansas  troops  were  everywliere, 
and  hardly  a  battle  could  be  fought  that  did  not  bring 
sorrow  to  some  Kansas  home.  Not  only  were  Kansas  troops 
engaged  in  the  campaigns  of  the  southwest,  in  Missouri  and 
Arkansas,  but  also  with  the  army  of  the  Cumberland  and  the 
campaigns  along  the  gulf;  with  Grant  at  Vicksburg,  and  with 
Sherman  as  he  was  '' marching  through  Georgia."  A  battle 
could  hardly  occur  in  which  Kansas  was  not  concerned  and 
Lawrence  with  the  rest.  While  her  men  were  more  numerous 
in  the  first  and  second  regiments,  they  were  found  in  nearly 
all  the  regiments,  and  her  people  scanned  the  death  roll  after 
nearly  every  battle  looking  for  names  that  were  familiar  and 
dear.  No  matter  where  it  might  be  in  the  great  field  of  the 
war,  the  lines  reached  into  Lawrence,  and  the  names  of  the 
dead  was  a  matter  of  personal  solicitude. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

The  Lawrence  Raid. — Its  Antecedents  and  Causes. — 
William  C.  Quantrill. —  Its  Unique  Character. — 
Other  Raids. — Its  Unparalleled    Brutality. 

In  1863  there  occurred  the  most  important  event  of  the  war 
as  far  as  Lawrence  was  concerned;  that  was  what  has  ever 
since  been  spoken  of  as  the  ''Raid."  The  possibility  of  such 
a  thing  was  recognized  from  the  first.  An  incursion  of 
maurauders  from  Missouri  was  considered  likely  to  occur 
from  the  breaking  out  of  the  war.  Lawrence  had  been  the 
center  of  the  free-state  struggle,  and  had  been  the  center  of 
pro-slavery  hate.  That  struggle  had  left  a  good  deal  of  bitter 
feeling  on  both  sides.  It  was  especially  bitter  on  the  Missouri 
side  because  they  had  been  defeated  in  the  end  they  sought. 
They  had  three  times  undertaken  to  destroy  Lawrence  and 
three  times  had  been  foiled.  It  would  not  be  strange,  the 
people  thought,  if  the  men  of  the  border  should  not  forget 
their  disappointment,  and  should  take  advantage  of  the  war 
to  accomplish  what  they  had  so  often  failed  in.  And  there 
were  signs  from  across  the  border  which  confirmed  these  fears. 
There  were  threats  and  intimations  of  what  might  be,  enough 
to  show  at  least  that  they  had  not  been  forgotten.  The 
negroes  who  ran  away  from  bondage  and  came  to  Lawrence, 
had  one  story  of  the  state  of  feeling  on  the  other  side  of  the 
border.  They  all  said  that  the  ''border  ruffians  "  had  lost 
nothing  of  their  hate  for  Lawrence,  and  they  predicted  with 
great  positiveness  that  Lawrence  would  feel  that  hate  before 
the  war  was  over.  The  writer  of  this  had  in  his  family  for 
several  years  a  very  intelligent  mulatto  who  had  been  a  slave 
in  one  of  the  border  towns  across  the  river.  She  had  been  a 
house  servant,  and  had  gained  a   good   deal  of  culture  from 


lOO  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

coming  in  contact  with  the  family,  and  with  friends  of  her 
master.  It  was  quite  noticeable  that  house  servants  were 
much  more  intelligent  than  field  hands.  This  woman  belong- 
ed to  a  prominent  citizen  who  stood  high  in  pro-slavery 
circles.  He  was  a  man  of  means  and  a  man  of  good  political 
standing.  He  was  in  secret  sympathy  with  the  rebellion,  but 
did  not  avow  his  sympathy.  This  woman  said  that  her  mas- 
ter's house  was  the  common  resort  of  all  the  rebels  of  that 
region.  They  met  at  night  usually,  to  discuss  plans  and  talk 
over  the  situation.  Many  a  time  she  had  cooked  all  day  and 
filled  the  cellar  with  meat  and  bread  and  other  provisions, 
and  in  the  night  they  would  be  all  taken  away  and  the  cellar 
left  empty.  She  never  asked  any  questions,  but  she  knew 
that  the  provisions  w^ere  carried  off  to  supply  the  guerrilla 
bands  which  were  prowling  about  the  tountry.  When  the 
guerrilla  chiefs  w-ere  at  her  master's  house,  as  they  often  were, 
it  was  her  work  to  serve  them.  So  she  passed  in  and  out 
with  perfect  freedom.  The  slaves  had  a  remarkable  faculty 
of  seeming  to  be  utterly  ignorant  of  the  conversation  going 
on,  and  seeming  utterly  blank,  while  they  heard  and  under- 
stood every  word  that  was  said.  So  this  woman  could  pass 
in  and  out  of  the  room,  and  they  would  not  think  it  necessary 
to  stop  their  conversation  or  even  guard  their  expressions. 
But  she  knew  why  they  were  together  and  caught  every  word 
that  dropped.  She  said  that  oftener  than  anything  else  they 
were  talking  of  Lawrence,  and  planning  for  its  destruction. 
This  was  early  in  the  war,  and  she  used  to  speak  of  it  in 
Lawrence  months  before  the  raid  took  place.  She  used  to 
say  with  great  earnestness  ''that  the  bushwhackers  were 
surely  coming,  and  the  people  were  very  fgolish  not  to  be 
prepared  for  them."  This  was  the  common  testimony  of  the 
ex-slaves  who  came  up  from  Missouri  at  the  opening  of  the 
war.  They  knew  the  sentiment  of  their  masters,  and  the 
common  purpose  of  the  rebels  on  the  border,  to  repay  Law- 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  189 

rence    and    Kansas   for  the   defeat   they   had  suffered    in    the 
former  conflict. 

Rumors  and  alarms  were  common  also.  In  the  early  days 
of  the  war  an  alarming  report  was  one  day  brought  to  Law- 
rence that  a  large  body  of  men,  fifteen  hundred  the  story 
went,  were  marching  up  from  the  border.  Whence  the  story 
came  no  one  knew,  and  no  one  cared  to  scrutinize  it  very 
closely.  The  whole  country  was  aroused.  The  writer  of  this- 
was  calling  around  that  day  among  the  farmers  at  one  of  his 
out  stations  ten  miles  from  Lawrence.  He  only  found  one 
farm  house  where  the  men  were  not  either  gone  or  preparing 
to  go.  They  were  going  one  by  one,  with  their  rifles  and 
shot  guns,  after  the  manner  of  the  heroes  of  Lexington. 
They  came  back  next  day  and  reported  no  enemy  in  sight. 
As  the  war  continued  and  rumors  and  alarms  thickened, 
people  became  accustomed  to  them,  and  took  little  notice  of 
them.  Now  and  then,  however,  there  would  come  a  report 
that  seemed  to  have  a  foundation,  and  the  whole  community 
was  in  a  quiver.  A  very  common  feeling  at  first  was  that  some 
of  the  troops  furnished  by  Kansas  should  be  retained  for  the 
defense  of  the  state.  Some  thought  it  very  cruel  that  Kansas 
towns  should  be  left  exposed  while  so  large  a  projjortion  of 
her  men  were  fighting  the  battles  of  the  country  in  distant 
parts.  But  the  wiser  people  contended  that  Kansas  would 
be  best  protected  in  the  long  run  by  vigorously  prosecuting 
the  war  to  a  successful  issue.  The  fate  of  Kansas  was 
wrapped  up  in  the  fate  of  the  union. 

It  has  often  been  a  matter  of  wonder  that  after  all  these 
warnings  Lawrence  was  not  on  her  guard  when  the  blow  w^as 
finally  struck.  But  this  is  readily  explained  by  the  situation 
itself.  Thes^  frequent  alarms  had  produced  a  state  of  indif- 
ference. It  was,  the  "cry  of  the  wolf"  with  the  usual  effect. 
The  danger  had  been  threatening  for  all  these  years  and  had  not 
come,  and   people   began  to  feel  that  it  would  never  come. 


I  go  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

They  smiled  at  the  wild  reports  that  kept  flying  in  and  began 
to  analyze  each  report  as  it  came  and  show  how  absurd  it 
was.  They  knew  there  was  danger,  but  it  grew  more  and 
more  indefinite  and  far  away. 

There  were  also  frequent  efforts  at  preparation.  In  the 
earlier  months  of  the  war  the  citizens  maintained  a  guard 
about  the  town,  taking  their  regular  turns  like  soldiers.  This 
was  kept  up  until  the  spring  of  1863  with  more  or  less  steadi- 
ness. Not  being  under  military  orders  it  was  not  a  very 
reliable  service,  but  most  of  the  citizens  faithfully  fulfilled 
their  part.  In  the  spring  of  1863  Gen.  George  W.  Collamore 
was  elected  mayor  of  the  city.  He  had  been  quartermaster 
general  of  the  state  under  Governor  Robinson  for  two  years. 
He  was  a  man  of  means  and  well  connected  in  the  East.  He 
was  a  very  active  man  with  a  good  deal  of  executive  ability, 
and  had  an  air  of  self-sufficiency  which  made  him  want  to  do 
everything  his  own  way  and  made  other  people  disposed  to 
stand  aloof  from  him.  He  realized  as  few  others  did  the  dan- 
ger in  which  Lawrence  stood,  and  he  endeavored  earnestly 
and  constantly  to  arouse  the  people  to  a  sense  of  the  situa- 
tion. In  this  he  was  partially  successful.  He  organized  an 
effective  military  company  and  secured  arms  for  them  from 
the  state.  He  also  organized  and  armed  companies  in  the 
country  about  Lawrence.  A  peculiar  notion  of  his  was  that 
the  guns  should  be  kept  in  the  armory  and  not  be  carried 
home  by  the  men.  The  result  was  that  when  the  attack  was 
made  the  men  were  scattered  about  the  city  at  their  homes 
and  their  guns  were  inaccessible.  The  Wakarusa  company, 
six  miles  south,  assembled  the  morning  of  the  raid  near  Blan- 
ton's  bridge,  but  had  no  arms.  It  is  easy  to  see,  however, 
that  there  are  points  of  advantage  in  General  Collamore's 
policy,  though  this  time  it  proved  a  mistake.,.  General  Colla- 
more worked  in  another  line  for  the  defense  of  the  town.  He 
saw,  as  everyone  did,  that  the  citizens'  guard  was  very  unre- 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  IQI 

liable.  While  most  citizens  did  their  duty  when  appointed 
for  picket  service,  others  failed,  and  it  was  never  known 
whether  there  was  a  guard  out  or  not.  Besides  he  insisted 
that  it  was  unfair  to  ask  men  who  worked  all  day  to  do  picket 
duty  all  night.  It  was  enough  if  they  held  themselves  in 
readiness  to  rally  when  danger  threatened.  He  appealed  to 
the  military  authorities  to  station  at  Lawrence  a  body  of  sol- 
diers sufficient  to  do  picket  duty.  This  would  insure  a  relia- 
ble guard,  and  relieve  the  citizens  of  this  double  service.  He 
insisted  that  Lawrence  could  defend  herself  if  she  could  only 
be  warned  in  time  of  the  approach  of  danger.  After  many 
efforts  he  gained  his  point  and  some  time  in  May  a  small 
squad  of  soldiers  was  stationed  at  Lawrence,  and  the  citizen 
soldiery  was  relieved  of  patrol  duty.  About  August  ist  the 
military  authorities  withdrew  this  guard  for  service  elsewhere. 
They  affirmed  very  positively  that  the  guard  was  not  needed. 
LawTence  was  in  no  possible  danger.  The  line  between  Mis- 
souri and  Kansas  was  patrolled  along  its  whole  length,  and 
no  body  of  guerrillas  could  pass  into  Kansas  without  the  fact 
being  reported.  General  Collamore  protested  against  the  re- 
moval of  the  troops,  but  without  avail.  The  people  were 
disposed  to  accept  the  assurance  of  the  military  authorities, 
and  nothing  was  done  to  revive  the  old  plan  of  citizen  patrol. 
The  result  was  that  Lawrence  had  never  been  so  thoroughly 
off  her  guard,  and  so  thoroughly  at  her  ease,  as  at  this  time  of 
her  greatest  peril.  There  could  hardly  have  been  a  time  in 
the  three  preceding  years  when  she  was  feeling  entirely  secure. 
Mayor  Collamore  himself  had  struggled  persistently  against  a 
good  deal  of  indifference  and  some  ridicule,  and  when  the 
troops  he  had  worked  so  hard  to  secure  were  taken  away,  he 
was  himself  half  discouraged,  and  had  not  undertaken  any 
new  lines  of  defense.  The  whole  town  was  just  resting  from 
the  long  strain. 

The   guerrilla  method    of  warfare   was    adopted    early    by 


192  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

the  rebel  element  in  Missouri.  As  soon  as  Fort  Sumpter  was 
fired  upon  the  whole  state  w^as  in  confusion.  There  were 
disturbances  here  and  there;  railway  tracks  were  torn  up, 
bridges  burned,  and  travel  generally  became  dangerous. 
When  the  war  became  thoroughly  organized  order  was  re- 
stored in  the  country,  railways  were  protected,  and  the  guer- 
rillas compelled  to  go  into  hiding,  and  apply  their  vocation 
more  secretly.  Of  these  guerrilla  bands,  Quantrill  soon  be- 
came the  most  noted  leader.  His  gang  of  outlaws,  varying 
from  two  or  three  score  to  two  or  three  hundred,  found  a 
hiding  place  among  what  was  called  the  ''Sni  Hills."  This 
was  a  general  name  for  a  rough  region  lying  south  of 
the  Missouri  river  and  below  Kansas  City  and  Westport, 
through  which  the  Sni  river  and  the  Blue  river  and  some 
other  small  streams  flowed.  It  was  a  country  of  high  bluffs, 
deep  ravines  and  rocky  ledges,  all  covered  with  a  growth  of 
young  timber  so  dense  that  a  bird  could  hardly  fly  through  it. 
It  was  an  ideal  hiding  for  a  band  like  Quantrill's,  superior  for 
that  purpose  to  Sherwood  forest,  the  famous  hiding  place  of 
Robin  Hood.  Here  they  could  make  their  preparations  un- 
observed and  sally  forth  unheralded.  When  the  work  of 
robbery  and  arson  was  done  they  could  dash  back,  and  once 
a,mong  these  wild  fastnesses  and  thickets  they  were  practic- 
ally beyond  pursuit.  They  could  not  have  lived  here  but  for 
the  sympathy  of  the  surrounding  population,  and  a  large  por- 
tion of  the  population  of  this  region  were  secretly  in  sympathy 
with  the  South,  while  professing  loyalty  to  the  union.  From 
the  granaries  and  the  herds  of  those  rich  farmers  the  guer- 
rilla bands  were  secretly  maintained,  and  many  a  man  who 
claimed  to  be  a  friend  of  the  union  was  secretly  feeding  the 
enemies  of  the  union,  and  making  possible  their  inhuman 
warfare.  Before  the  end  of  the  war  the  union  cavalry  learned 
the  methods  of  the  bushwhackers,  and  could  follow  them  to 
their  hiding  places.      When  this  was  done  guerrilla  warfare 


O.    A.    HANSCOM.  GEORGE    FORD. 

EARLY  KANSAS  SETTLERS. 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  1 93 

became  less  a  one-sided  affair,  and  the  bushwhackers  were 
pretty  much  driven  from  the  country.  But  the  method  was 
learned  too  late  to  be  of  much  avail  in  protecting  the  country. 
It  availed  for  retaliation  but  not  for  safety. 

William  Clark  Quantrill  was  born  at  Dover,  Ohio,  in  1837. 
His  father,  Thomas  Quantrill,  was  a  school  teacher  of  good 
family  and  good  character.  His  father  and  mother  were 
both  honest,  plain  people,  respected  by  all.  His  mother's 
maiden  name  was  Caroline  Clark.  William  received  a  fairly 
good  education  and  was  intended  for  his  -father's  profession. 
From  some  of  his  early  letters  it  appeared  that  he  had  in  his 
youth  some  high  ambitions  of  an  entirely  different  type  from 
those  which  afterwards  possessed  him.  In  1857,  at  the  age 
of  twenty,  he  went  to  Kansas.  He  and  some  friends  took  up 
claims  in  Miami  county  near  Stanton.  In  the  winter  of  1857 
and  1858  he  taught  school  in  Stanton  and  did  quite  well. 
The  next  spring  he  went  to  Salt  Lake  and  remained  two 
years.  In  i860  he  returned  to  Kansas  and  made  his  head- 
quarters at  Lawrence.  He  went  by  the  name  of  Charlie  Hart 
and  boarded  at  the  Whitney  house  on  the  bank  of  the  river. 
At  the  time  of  the  raid  he  spared  the  Whitney  house  on  this 
account.  He  said  they  had  treated  him  well  there.  Whether 
he  went  by  this  assumed  name  on  account  of  crimes  already 
committed,  or  whether  he  was  now  engaged  in  doubtful  trans- 
actions which  he  did  not  wish  to  attach  to  his  real  name,  is 
not  known.  At  all  events  he  associated  with  a  bad  lot  of 
men,  and  they  were  engaged  in  doubtful  and  shady  opera- 
tions, which  soon  drew  upon  them  the  attention  of  the  police. 
He  escaped  them  and  went  over  into  Missouri,  just  across  the 
line,  not  far  from  where  he  formerly  lived  in  Miami  county. 
He  persuaded  four  reckless  young  men  to  join  him  in  robbing 
the  home  of  a  rich  slaveholder  in  Missouri.  He  then  be- 
trayed his  associates  to  the  intended  victim,  and  three  of  the 
four  were  shot  dead,   he  himself  shooting  one  of  them.      He 

13 


194  ^    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

was  arrested  and  lodged  in  the  Paola  jail.  Some  of  his 
friends  secured  his  release  on  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  and 
when  he  w^as  out  of  jail  some  friends  placed  a  fleet  horse  in  a 
convenient  place,  and  this  horse  soon  took  him  ''beyond  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  court.  "  He  had  heretofore  been  in  sym- 
pathy with  the  free-state  people,  but  from  this  on  he  identi- 
fied himself  with  his  Missouri  friends.  He  became  the  leader 
of  their  marauding  bands,  and  in  a  short  time  was  the  most 
distinguished  of  the  guerrilla  chieftans.  All  the  most  suc- 
cessful raids  were  under  his  guidance,  and  there  were  no 
marked  successes  after  he  withdrew  to  another  part  of  the 
country.  He  began  to  be  noted  in  1862  when  he  made  num- 
erous raids  into  Kansas.  In  October  1862  he  made  a  raid  on 
Olathe  wdth  about  one  hundred  and  forty  men.  He  kept  the 
citizens  under  guard  in  the  public  square  while  his  men  car- 
ried off  whatever  they  wished  in  the  way  of  horses  or  goods. 
One  man  was  killed.  A  little  later  he  made  a  raid  on  Shaw- 
neetown,  burned  a  good  portion  of  the  place  and  killed  sev- 
eral men.  At  other  times  the  same  process  was  repeated 
at  Spring  Hill,  Aubrey  and  other  points.  The  next 
season,  the  summer  of  1863,  his  movements  were 
more  numerous  and  bold.  The  w^hole  region  along  the 
border  was  kept  in  a  continual  state  of  commotion  and 
fear.  Every  night  lights  against  the  sky  showed  that 
some  poor  fellows  house  was  going  up  in  flames.  Men 
on  the  farms  did  not  dare  stay  in  their  houses  over  night, 
but  slept  in  the  cornfields  and  in  the  woods.  This  state  of 
things  continued  during  the  summer  of  1863.  These  depre- 
dations did  not  extend  more  than  ten  or  fifteen  miles  from 
the  Missouri  border  into  Kansas.  The  people  of  Lawrence 
used  to  argue  that  guerrilla  bands  could  not  get  further  than 
that  into  the  country  without  being  reported.  They  there- 
fore reasoned  that  Lawrence  was  safe  because  she  was  forty 
miles  from  the  border.      It  would  take  all  night  to  make  the 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  1 95 

march,  and  the  news  would  certainly  travel  faster  than  a 
troop  could  travel.  It  is  surprising  now  how  clear  they  made 
this  argument  appear  to  themselves.  Every  day's  delay  con- 
firmed their  conclusion.  The  military  authorities  who  "un- 
dersood  such  matters,  "  were  even  more  positive.  So  their 
sense  of  security  grew^  strong  as  the  enemy  drew  near,  and 
they  were  never  more  at  their  ease  than  when  the  peril  was 
at  their  very  door. 

The  Lawrence  raid  was  unique.  It  differed  from 
any  other  raid  in  history.  Other  raids  were  made  for 
plunder  or  for  military  purposes.  The  earlier  raids  of 
Quantrill  and  his  men  were  made  for  plunder  largely.  They 
dashed  into  Olathe  at  night,  ordered  all  the  men  to  the  pub- 
lic square  and  kept  them  under  guard  till  they  were  done. 
Only  one  man  was  killed  and  he  was  killed  in  a  fray.  Often 
raids  w^ere  made  for  the  purpose  of  putting  out  of  the  way 
some  persons  who  were  obnoxious  to  them.  Houses  were 
burned,  horses  were  taken,  and  other  things  stolen  such  as 
took  their  fancy.  But  in  no  case  was  there  a  general  slaugh- 
ter. At  Lawrence  it  was  butchery  from  the  first  charge  to 
the  last  shot.  The  butchering  and  burning  began  with  their 
approach  and  hardly  ended  with  their  departure.  It  was  not 
the  picking  out  of  a  few  obnoxious  persons  as  was  the  case 
elsewhere.  The  killing  was  indiscriminate  and  mostly  in 
cold  blood.  There  was  no  provocation  and  no  resistance. 
There  was  nothing  to  irritate  or  provoke..  The  few  who  re- 
sisted fared  better  than  those  who  did  not  resist.  There 
were  men  in  Lawrence  whom  they  very  naturally  would  look 
for.  But  very  few  of  these  were  found.  Governor  Robinson 
was  in  town  that  morning.  On  account  of  his  position  and 
his  prominence  in  the  early  difficulties  they  would  have  count- 
ed him  a  valuable  prize.  But  he  was  permitted  quietly  to 
survey  the  whole  transaction  from  his  stone  barn  on  the  hill- 
side.     They  sought   for  him   elsewhere,  but  did  not   look   in 


196  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

the  barn.  General  Lane  was  in  town  that  morning,  and  per- 
haps no  man  in  Kansas  would  have  been  dispatched  with 
more  relish.  But  when  they  called  at  his  house  in  the  early 
morning,  he  was  ''not  at  home.  "  General  Deitzler  was  in 
town,  having  just  come  from  a  victorious  campaign  through 
the  very  region  from  w^hich  they  hailed.  But  he  was  not 
found.  The  two  Rankins  were  home  on  a  furlough.  They 
were  soldiers  and  expected  no  quarters.  When  they  were 
pounced  upon  in  the  street  therefore  they  drew  their  revolvers 
and  blazed  away,  and  were  given  a  wide  berth.  They  are 
both  living  today  to  tell  the  story.  The  men  the  raiders  did 
kill  were  quiet,  peaceable  citizens.  Few  of  them  had  taken 
any  part  in  the  early  disturbances  or  in  the  border  troubles 
since  the  war  began.  There  was  Judge  Carpenter,  a  very 
conservative  man,  never  extreme  in  any  line,  and  having  no 
sympath}^  with  extreme  men  on  either  side.  There  was  Ed- 
ward P.  Fitch,  one  of  the  quietest  of  men,  a  lover  of  home 
and  of  peace,  as  brave  as  a  lion,  and  gentle  as  a  woman. 
There  was  S.  M.  Thorpe  of  whom  no  one  could  cherish  a 
hard  thought.  Only  a  few  months  before  he  had  been  elec- 
ted to  the  state  senate  on  the  issue  of  opposition  to  all  irre- 
sponsible warfare.  He  had  the  utmost  abhorrence  of  all 
parties  on  either  side  who  were  disposed  to  take  advantage  of 
the  condition  of  war  for  plunder  or  prey.  This  suggests  the 
further  point  that  Lawrence  herself  was  a  conservative  town. 
The  depredations  complained  of  found  as  little  sympathy  in 
Lawrence  as  in  any  town  in  the  state.  If  retaliation  was  the 
motive,  Lawrence  was  one  of  the  last  towns  that  should  have 
suffered,  and  the  men  killed  were  among  the  last  that  should 
have  been  selected.  As  a  matter  of  fact  the  victims  were  not 
selected  at  all.  The  raiders  killed  whom  they  found  never 
asking  who  they  were  or  what  the}^  were.  It  was  enough 
that  they  were  found  in  Lawrence.  Other  raids  was  for  plun- 
der, the  Lawrence  raid  w^as  for  slaughter.      That  some  of  the 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  1 97 

raiders  should  assign  retaliation  as  the  motive  was  to  be  ex- 
pected. It  was  the  nearest  motive  at  hand  and  made  a  plausible 
excuse.  That  some  of  the  raiders  had  suffered  personal  wrongs 
and  were  inspired  with  feelings  of  revenge,  we  can  well  be- 
lieve. But  this  could  not  have  been  the  inspiration  of  the 
attack,  nor  the  cause  of  its  excessive  brutality.  These  things 
show  that  it  had  roots  deeper  than  this.  Its  roots  ran  back  in- 
to the  old  pro-slavery  hate  of  six  years  before.  Individual 
members  of  the  band  no  doubt  had  their  individual  motives. 
But  the  thing  itself  had  a  deeper  ground.  Its  inspiration 
and  its  venom  flowed  from  the  same  source  and  sentiment 
whence  the  earlier  invasions  came.  It  sprang  from  the  same 
sentiment  which  had  three  times  before  assailed  Lawrence 
and  been  foiled.  Individuals  of  the  band  may  have  had  a 
variety  of  motives,  but  as  a  whole  the  movement  sprang  from 
the  same  soil  which  produced  the  Wakarusa  war  and  the 
troubles  of  1856.  It  was  the  same  conflict  on  a  larger  scale. 
The  same  principles  were  at  stake,  and  the  same  parties 
confronted  each  other.  The  same  feelings  inspired  either 
side.  The  same  hate  sought  to  gratifv  itself  under  the  new 
conditions.  The  border  ruffians  of  1856,  became  the  bush- 
whackers of  1863. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

The  Lawrence  Raid. — The  Approach. — The  Charge  and  the 
Surprise. — The  Surrender  of  the  Hotel. — The  Burn- 
ing AND  Killing  Begin. — Four  Hours  of  Slaughter. 
— Marvelous   Escapes. — The   Heroism  of  the  Women. 

It  is  not  easy  to  get  any  inside  view  of  Qaantrill's  move- 
ments. When  not  in  motion  his  men  were  in  hiding.  He  laid 
his  plans  in  secret  and  executed  them  in  the  night,  and  neither 
plan  nor  execution  was  open  to  inspection.  Since  the  war 
closed  what  remained  of  the  raiders  were  scattered  all  over 
the  country,  and  most  of  them  are  very  shy  of  saying  anything 
of  the  part  they  played.  A  gentleman  of  Kansas  City,  who 
was  a  citizen  of  Lawrence  at  the  time  of  the  raid,  has  recently 
interviewed  one  of  Quantrill's  men  who  has  lived  a  quiet  life 
since  the  war  and  become  a  respected  citizen.  From  him  a 
more  full  account  of  Quantrill's  approach  has  been  gathered. 
Quantrill  assembled  his  men  at  Columbus,  Johnson  county, 
Missouri,  August  19th,  and  moved  over  to  Lone  Jack  in  Jack- 
son county.  Here  the  organization  was  completed  and  the 
final  orders  given.  The  roll  was  called  and  two  hundred  and 
ninety-four  responded  to  their  names.  They  were  organized 
in  four  companies  under  four  captains.  Two  of  these  captains 
were  the  notorious  Bill  Todd  and  Bill  Anderson,  the  most 
desperate  and  bloodthirsty  of  the  border  chieftains.  The 
writer  of  this  sketch  once  came  up  the  Missouri  river  on  the 
same  steamboat  with  Bill  Anderson.  It  was  before  the  war, 
and  Anderson  had  not  yet  developed  into  a  bushwhacker. 
But  his  capacity  in  that  line  was  easily  seen.  He  was  playing 
the  part  of  a  gentleman  just  then,  and  seemed  to  be  the 
favorite  companion  of  some  southern  ladies  who  were  coming 
up   the   river  at  the  same   time.      He  was  easy,  affable,  well 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF  THE    REBELLION.  1 99 

informed  and  entertaining,  and  was  evidently  in  good  humor 
with  himself.  He  was  somewhat  tall  with  rather  long  dangling 
arms.  He  was  well  dressed,  and  when  he  walked  on  deck 
he  always  wore  one  of  those  circular  broadcloth  cloaks 
which  were  then  common.  He  had  long,  black,  flowing  hair, 
sharp  features,  a  hooked  nose,  and  an  eye  such  as  one  will 
see  but  once  in  a  life  time.  The  writer  did  not  know  anything 
of  him  then,  and  judged  simply  from  his  appearance.  But  his 
eyes  impressed  him  as  being  a  sort  of  a  cross  between  an 
eagle  and  a  snake,  the  most  vicious  looking  eye  he  ever  saw. 
Over  his  features  continually  there  played  a  look  of  infinite 
conceit  and  a  sneering  smile  of  ineffable  contempt.  This 
pictures  him  in  his  character  of  a  gentleman.  A  picture  of  him 
later,  in  his  character  of  bushwhacker,  was  drawn  by  another 
hand.  It  gives  the  same  general  form,  the  same  hooked  nose, 
the  same  flowing  locks,  the  same  sinister  eye  and  the  same 
diabolical  sneer.  But  now  he  is  dressed  in  homespun  butter- 
nuts; he  is  coatless  and  hatless  and  sits  upon  a  horse  which  is 
almost  a  counterpart  of  himself.  The  horse  goes  without 
guidance,  and  the  man  rides  without  support.  The  horse  is 
dashing  after  men  as  they  run,  just  as  a  hunter  would  follow 
a  fox.  His  rider  sits  erect  with  a  revolver  in  each  hand,  and 
fires  with  either  with  unerring  accuracy  at  any  poor  fellow 
that  comes  in  sight.  Such  are  two  pictures  of  the  most  cold- 
blooded and  brutal  of  all  the  guerrilla  leaders.  Before  the  war 
closed  he  was  killed  as  he  dashed  along  in  the  manner  in- 
dicated in  the  second  picture  above.  Besides  these  four 
captains,  there  were  with  Quantrill  all  the  noted  guerrillas  of 
the  border,  Dick  Yeager,  the  James  boys  and  others.  Jesse 
James  was  but  a  boy  of  sixteen,  but  he  boasted  of  having 
killed  thirteen  men  in  Lawrence.  But  all  stories  with  '^thir- 
teens"  can  safely  be  discounted.  Thirteen  seems  to  have 
been  a  favorite  number  with  them,  and  enough  of  them 
boasted  of  having  killed  thirteen  each  to  have  exterminated 


200  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

the    entire    population    of    Lawrence.       But    his    killing    was 
probably  limited  only  by  his  opportunities. 

After  all  arrangements  were  completed  the  band  moved  from 
Lone  Jack  and  marched  towards  the  Kansas  border.  They 
crossed  over  into  Kansas  about  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 
They  passed  in  plain  sight  of  a  camp  of  United  States  troops 
some  miles  away  at  Aubrey.  The  troops  made  no  attempt  to 
intercept  them.  It  would  have  been  madness  to  do  so,  as  the 
raiders  outnumbered  them  four  or  five  to  one.  This  camp 
was  in  command  of  Captain  J.  A.  Pike.  He  sent  word  at 
once  to  Kansas  City,  but  why  he  did  not  also  send  word  to 
Lawrence  has  never  been  explained.  The  raiders  proceeded 
a  short  distance  when  they  halted  to  rest  their  horses  and  to 
eat  supper.  The  horses  refreshed  themselves  on  prairie 
grass,  and  the  men  on  such  as  they  had.  Some  of  them  even 
went  to  the  farm  houses  near  by  and  procured  milk  and  other 
things  they  wanted,  and  some  of  them  ordered  supper.  After 
a  good  rest  they  mounted  and  rode  on.  They  struck  directly 
across  the  prairie  toward  Lawrence.  About  eleven  o'clock 
they  passed  Gardner  on  the  old  Santa  Fe  trail.  Here  they 
burned  a  house  or  two  and  killed  a  man.  But  even  from  here 
no  word  was  sent  in  to  warn  those  in  danger.  The  citizens 
were  probably  too  much  occupied  with  their  own  perils  to 
think  much  of  the  dangers  of  others.  The  troop  passed 
through  Hesper  about  three  o'clock  in  the  morning.  The 
moon  had  now  gone  down  and  the  night  was  dark  and  the 
way  quite  doubtful.  Quantrill  took  a  boy  from  a  house  near 
Captain's  creek  and  compelled  him  to  lead  them  to  Lawrence. 
They  kept  this  boy  during  their  work  in  Lawrence,  then 
Quantrill  dressed  him  in  a  new  suit  of  clothes  and  gave  him  a 
horse  and  sent  him  home. 

Somewhere  along  here  a  man  whose  name  ought  to  have 
been  preserved  attempted  to  give  warning  to  the  doomed 
town.       As     soon     as    the    troop    had    passed    his    house    he 


SAMUEL    KIMBALL.  JOSEPH    SAVAGE. 

EARLY  KANSAS  SETTLERS. 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  20I 

mounted  a  horse  and  started  for  Lawrence  by  a  circuitous 
route.  He  had  proceeded  but  a  few  miles,  however,  when 
his  horse  stumbled  in  the  darkness  and  fell  forward  and  killed 
himself.  The  man  could  do  no  other  than  abandon  his  heroic 
purpose  and  return  home  on  foot. 

It  is  a  very  singular  thing  that  during  all  these  hours  no 
word  should  come  to  Lawrence  of  the  danger  which  was 
approaching  her.  As  Hovey  E.  Lowman  says  in  his  account 
of  the  affair,  the  bushwhackers  ''passed  leisurely  from  their 
hiding  place  in  Missouri  through  the  federal  lines,  and  almost 
within  shooting  distance  of  a  federal  camp  in  the  day  time, 
then  just  as  leisurely  made  their  way  over  forty  miles  of 
traveled  road  through  Kansas  settlements  at  night,  and  halted, 
called  the  roll  in  early  dawn  within  pistol  shot  of  the  houses 
of  the  residents  of  Lawrence,  and  yet  no  warning  voice  rang 
through  her  quiet  streets,  'Quantrill  is  coming!'"  All  the 
while  he  was  coming  the  people  slept  as  peacefully  as  if  there 
had  been  no  foe  within  a  thousand  miles.  One  of  the  strang- 
est of  the  many  strange  things  of  this  strange  affair  was  that 
every  thought  of  help  or  warning  was  frustrated,  and  the  foe 
that  had  been  coming  all  night  pounced  upon  an  unsuspecting 
people  in  the  morning. 

Quantrill  and  his  men  entered  Franklin,  four  miles  east 
of  Lawrence,  at  the  first  glimmer  of  day.  They  passed 
quietly  through  the  village,  leaning  over  upon  their  horses  so 
as  to  attract  as  little  attention  as  possible.  A  few  persons  saw 
them,  but  in  the  dimness  could  not  make  out  who  they  were. 
The  command  was  distinctly  heard  however:  "Rush  on,  boys, 
rush  on!  It  will  be  daylight  before  we  are  there.  We  ought 
to  have  been  there  an  hour  ago." 

It  was  growing  lighter  now  and  they  traveled  faster.  As 
they  drew  near  to  the  town  they  grew  eager  for  blood.  About 
two  miles  east  of  Lawrence  they  passed  the  farm  of  Rev.  S.  S. 
Snyder,  a  minister  of  the  United  Brethren   church.      Here  a 


202  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

couple  of  them  left  the  main  body  and  rode  through  his  gate, 
found  him  in  his  barnyard  and  shot  him.  He  was  a  very  quiet 
man  and  very  highly  respected.  He  had  been  commissioned 
as  a  lieutenant  of  colored  troops  and  this  was  doubtless  the 
reason  they  singled  him  out. 

About  a  mile  from  town  they  met  young  Hoffman  CoUa- 
more,  the  son  of  Mayor  Collamore.  He  was  riding  out  early 
to  his  father's  farm  to  spend  the  day  shooting  game.  He  was 
riding  a  pony  and  carried  a  shot  gun.  He  was  a  young  lad 
of  about  sixteen.  When  he  met  them  in  the  dim  dawn  he 
supposed  that  they  were  a  body  of  United  States  troops,  and 
he  turned  aside  to  pass  them.  They  halted  him  and  asked 
him  where  he  was  going.  Suspecting  nothing,  he  made  an 
indifferent  reply  and  kept  on.  At  that  they  began  firing  at 
him.  He  put  spurs  to  his  pony  and  dashed  out  into  a  field. 
They  continued  firing  and  soon  one  bullet  hit  the  bo}^  and 
another  the  pony,  and  they  both  fell  headlong.  The  boy  lay 
as  if  dead  until  they  had  passed  and  then  crept  away.  He 
was  severely  wounded  in  the  thigh,  but  recovered. 

Just  outside  of  the  town  two  of  them  turned  aside  and  rode 
into  the  yard  of  Mr.  Joseph  Savage,  who  then  lived  at  the 
Hanscom  place.  They  went  up  to  his  front  door  and 
knocked.  Mr.  Savage  had  the  good  fortune  to  be  suffering 
with  weak  eyes  at  the  time.  He  had  just  risen  and  was  in  the 
rear  part  of  the  house  bathing  his  eyes.  He  heard  the  knock 
but  could  not  go  to  the  door  till  he  had  washed  his  eyes.  He 
had  seen  the  troop  going  by  the  house,  but  supposing  them 
to  be  Union  soldiers,  he  gave  the  matter  no  thought.  As 
soon  as  he  was  able  he  went  to  the  door  and  opened  it  just  in 
time  to  see  two  horsemen  riding  out  of  his  gate.  His  weak 
eyes  undoubtedly  saved  his  life. 

As  they  drew  near  to  the  town  they  seemed  to  hesitate  and 
waver.  Coming  from  the  east  the  town  appeared  in  its  full 
proportions  as  the  first  light  of  the  morning  shone  on   it.      It 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  203 

is  said  some  of  them  were  disposed  to  turn  back.      But  Quan- 
trill    said    "he    was    going    in,    and    they    might   follow    who 
would."     Two  horsemen  were  sent  in  advance  of  the  troop 
to  see  that  all  was  quiet.      They  rode  through  the  main  street 
without  attracting  attention.      They  were  seen  by  several  per- 
sons but  excited   no   suspicion.      They  returned  to   the   main 
body  and  reported  the  way  clear.      They  now  moved  on  quite 
rapidly,  but  quietly  and  cautiously.      When  they  came  to  the 
high  ground  facing  Massachusetts   street,  not   far  from  where 
the   park   now   is,  the   command    was    given    in    clear    tones, 
"Rush   on  to  the  town."     Instantly  the  whole -body  bounded 
forward  with  the  yell  of   demons.      They  came  first   upon   a 
camp   of  unarmed   recruits   for   the   Kansas   Fourteenth  regi- 
ment.     They  had  just  taken  in  their   guards  and  were   rising 
from  their  beds.      On  these  the  raiders  fired   as   they  passed, 
killing  seventeen  of  the  twenty-two.      This  diversion  did  not 
check  the  speed  of  the  general  advance.      A  few  turned  aside 
to  run  down  and  shoot  the  fleeing  soldiers,  but  the  main  body 
swept  on  down  Rhode  Island  street.      When  the  head  of  the 
column  came  about  to  Henry  street  the  command  was  heard 
all  over  that  section,  "On  to   the   hotel!     On   to  the  hotel!" 
At  this  they  wheeled  obliquely  to  the  left,  and  in    a  few  mo- 
ments were   dashing   down    Massachusetts   street   toward  the 
Eldridge  house.      In   all    the    bloody   scenes  which  followed 
nothing  surpassed   for  wildness   and   terror  that   which    now 
presented    itself.      The   horsemanship   of    the   guerrillas    was 
perfect.      They  rode  with  the  ease  and   abandon   of  men  who 
had  spent  their  lives  in  the  saddle  amid  rough  and  desperate 
scenes.      They  were  dressed  in   the  traditional  butternut,  and 
belted  about  with  revolvers.      Their  horses  seemed  to  be  in 
the  secret  of  the  hour,  and  their  feet  scarcely  seemed  to  touch 
the  ground.      Their  riders  sat  upon  them  with  bodies  erect, 
and  arms  free,  some  with  a  revolver  in  each   hand,  shooting 
at  each  house  or   person  they   passed,  and  yelling   at   every 


204  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

bound.  On  each  side  of  this  stream  of  fire  were  men  falling 
dead  and  wounded,  and  women  and  children,  half  dressed, 
running  and  screaming,  some  trying  to  escape  from  danger, 
and  others  rushing  to  the  side  of  their  murdered  friends. 

They  dashed  along  Massachusetts  street,  shooting  at  every 
person  on  the  sidewalk,  and  into  almost  every  window,  until 
they  came  in  front  of  the  Eldridge  house.  The  firing  now 
ceased  and  there  was  a  silence  for  a  few  moments.  They 
eviedently  expected  resistance  at  this  point,  and  sat  gazing  up 
at  the  long  rows  of  windows  as  if  doubtful  of  what  might 
come.  In  a  few  moments  Captain  A.  R.  Banks,  provost 
marshal  of  the  state,  opened  a  window  and  displayed  a  white 
sheet  and  called  for  Quantrill.  Quantrill  rode  forward  and 
Captain  Banks  surrendered  the  house,  stipulating  for  the 
safety  of  the  inmates,  mostly  strangers.  At  this  moment  the 
big  gong  of  the  hotel  began  to  sound  through  the  halls  to 
arouse  the  sleeping  guests.  The  whole  column  fell  back  at 
the  sound,  evidently  thinking  it  to  be  the  signal  for  attack. 
But  as  nothing  came  of  it  they  soon  pressed  forward  again, 
and  began  the  work  of  plunder  and  destruction.  They  ran- 
sacked the  hotel,  taking  what  they  found  in  the  rooms  and 
robbing  the  guests  of  their  valuables  as  they  came  out.  The 
guests  were  not  long  in  assembling  at  the  head  of  the  stairs, 
and  thence  they  went  down  to  the  sidewalk.  They  were 
marched  to  the  corner  of  Winthrop  street  when  Quantrill  ap- 
peared and  ordered  them  to  go  to  the  City  hotel,  and  they 
would  be  safe.  He  had  boarded  there  some  years  ago  and 
had  been  well  treated,  and  should  spare  the  hotel  on  that 
account.  He  ordered  them  to  go  into  the  house  and  stay 
there  and  they  would  not  be  harmed.  The  prisoners  were  as 
obedient  as  Quantrill's  own  men,  and  lost  no  time  in  seeking 
their  house  of  refuge.  In  marked  contrast  with  what  fol- 
lowed, Quantrill  kept  his  word  with  the  Eldridge  house  pris- 
oners, and  they  were  not  molested  so  long  as  Quantrill  remained 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  205 

in  town.  He  evidently  regarded  the  Eldridge  house  as  the 
citadel  of  the  place,  and  considered  its  surrender  equivalent 
to  the  surrender  of  the  town.  He  was  looking  for  resistance, 
and  was  relieved  when  the  white  flag  appeared.  He  there- 
fore felt  inclined  to  abide  by  the  terms  of  capitulation.  Among 
the  guests  at  the  Eldridge  house  were  James  C.  Horton  and 
Carmi  W.  Babcock.  They  came  down  as  soon  as  the  alarm 
was  given,  and  met  the  raiders  in  the  hall.  They  persuaded 
them  to  delay  the  pillage  till  the  guests  could  get  out.  As 
soon  as  they  reached  the  City  hotel  they  discovered  that  a 
brother  of  Colonel  Eldridge,  the  proprietor  of  the  Eldridge 
house,  was  not  with  them.  The}^  feared  he  had  not  been 
awakened,  and  would  perish  with  the  building.  Mr.  Horton 
and  Mr.  Babcock  asked  for  a  guard  to  go  back  and  get  him. 
A  horseman  returned  with  them,  but  the  building  was  already 
in  flames  and  they  could  not  enter  it.  Their  guard  then 
escorted  them  safely  back  to  the  City  hotel.  Mr.  Eldridge 
was  afterwards  found  safe. 

The  other  hotels  and  the  other  houses  had  no  such  experi- 
ence of  clemency  or  honor  as  was  accorded  to  the  Eldridge 
house.  The  treatment  of  the  Eldridge  house  guests  was  in 
marked  contrast  with  all  the  dreadful  scenes  that  followed. 

As  soon  as  the  Eldridge  house  had  surrendered,  the  raiders 
scattered  all  over  the  town.  They  went  in  bands  of  six  or 
eight,  taking  street  by  street  and  house  by  house.  The 
events  of  the  next  three  hours  find  no  parallel  outside  the 
annals  of  savage  warfare.  History  furnishes  no  other  in- 
stance where  so  large  a  number  of  such  desperate  men,  so 
heavily  armed,  were  let  perfectly  loose  upon  an  unsuspecting 
and  helpless  community.  They  were  not  restrained  even  by 
the  common  rules  of  war,  and  went  about  their  work  of  death 
with  the  abandon  of  men  with  whom  murder  was  a  pastime 
and  pity  a  stranger.  Instead  of  wearying  of  their  bloody 
work,  they  grew  more  brutal  as  the  work  proceeded,  for  they 


2o6  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

secured  liquor  at  some  of  the  stores,  and  added  the  reckless- 
ness of  drunkenness  to  the  barbarous  purpose  for  which  they 
came.  The  carnage  was  all  the  worse  for  the  fact  that  the 
people  w^ere  not  expecting  an  indiscriminate  slaughter.  The 
general  feeling  was  that  they  would  do  what  they  had 
done  elsewhere — rob  and  burn  the  town,  shoot  a  few  marked 
men  if  they  could  find  them,  and  then  leavie.  No  one 
dreamed  of  such  wholesale  butchery  as  followed.  Hence 
many  who  could  have  escaped  remained  in  their  homes  and 
were  killed.  They  naturally  thought  that  there  would  be 
more  danger  in  running  through  the  streets  filled  with  armed 
men  than  in  quietly  waiting  in  their  homes  and  taking  their 
chances.  For  this  reason  the  men  who  were  specially  marked 
for  slaughter  fared  the  best,  for  they  knew  what  to  expect 
and  took  themselves  out  of  the  way.  There  was  a  large  num- 
ber of  military  men  in  town,  but  scarcely  one  of  them  was 
killed,  except  the  unarmed  recruits  who  were  shot  in  their 
camp,  almost  in  their  beds,  at  first  onset.  Soldiers  knew 
they  could  expect  no  quarter,  and  so  took  care  of  themselves. 
The  same  was  true  of  the  colored  people.  They  knew  what 
kind  of  men  slavery  had  made,  and  they  ran  to  the  brush  at 
the  first  alarm,  and  comparatively  few  of  them  were  killed. 
But  the  raiders  made  no  discrimination.  They  came  to  kill, 
and  it  was  a  butchery  from  the  first.  Those  who  w^ere  natur- 
ally marked  for  slaughter  mostly  escaped,  while  those  killed 
were  mostly  quiet,  unoffending  citizens.  They  killed  whom 
they  met  without  knowing  who  they  were  or  caring  what  they 
were.  They  said  their  orders  were  ''to  kill  every  man  and 
burn  every  house."  They  did  not  quite  do  this,  but  they 
went  to  work  as  if  this  was  their  intent.  They  were  not  all 
alike  of  course.  Some  reveled  in  the  work  they  were  doing, 
some  recoiled  from  it,  and  some  were  touched  with  pity. 
But  even  their  pity  did  not  often  effect  much.  For  if  one 
gang  was  touched  with  pity,  the  next  would  be  pittiless,  and 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.'  207 

the  result  was  often  the  same.  A  gentleman  who  was  con- 
sealed  where  he  could  see  the  whole,  said  it  was  the  most 
vivid  realization  of  the  slang  phrase  ''Hell  let  loose"  that 
could  be  well  imagined.  They  were  a  desperate  looking  lot 
of  men,  rough  in  dress,  and  coarse  in  speech  and  brutal  in 
conduct.  They  carried  from  two  to  six  revolvers  apiece 
while  many  also  carried  carbines. 

The  attack  had  been  perfectly  planned.  Every  man  seemed 
to  know  his  place  and  what  he  was  to  do.  Detachments 
scattered  to  every  part  of  the  town,  and  it  was  done  with  such 
promptness  that  before  the  people  could  gather  the  meaning 
of  the  first  yell  every  part  of  the  town  was  full  of  them.  They 
flowed  into  every  street  and  lane  like  water  poured  upon  a 
rock.  Eleven  rushed  up  to  Mount  Oread  to  keep  watch  of 
the  country  round  about.  From  here  they  could  see  over  the 
whole  country  for  several  miles,  and  note  any  gathering 
among  the  people  to  come  to  the  rescue.  Another  and  larger 
band  struck  for  the  western  part  of  the  town,  where  they  had 
more  reason  to  fear  the  organization  of  the  citizens  for  de- 
fense. So  quickly  were  they  dispersed  to  every  section  that 
any  concentration  for  resistance  was  out  of  the  question. 
The  surprise  was  so  complete  that  no  organized  resistance 
was  possible.  Before  the  people  could  comprehend  the  real 
meaning  of  the  affair,  every  part  of  the  town  was  occupied  by 
the  raiders.  The  attack  could  scarcely  have  been  made  at  a 
more  unfortunate  hour.  People  were  just  awaking  from  their 
sleep,  and  could  hardly  comprehend  what  had  come  upon 
them.  The  men  of  Lawrence  were  organized  in  a  militia 
company,  but  the  mayor  had  insisted  that  the  arms  should  be 
kept  in  the  armory  instead  of  being  carried  home  by  the  mem- 
bers. From  the  very  first  attack,  therefore,  these  guns  were  in- 
accessible. Even  if  the  company  could  have  got  together  they 
had  no  arms,  and  there  could  be  no  resistance  from  the 
houses  themselves.      It  is  not  likely,  however,  that  any  other 


208  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

arrangement  would  have  changed  things  much.  The  attack 
was  so  sudden  and  the  occupation  of  the  town  was  so  com- 
plete, that  no  general  rally  was  possible.  There  was  neither 
time  nor  opportunity  for  consultation  or  concert  of  action. 
Everyone  had  to  do  the  best  he  could  for  himself. 

There  were  a  few  individual  attempts  at  resistance,  but 
most  of  them  resulted  disastrously.  Mr.  Levi  Gates  lived  in 
the  country  about  a  mile  away,  and  in  the  opposite  direction 
from  which  the  rebels  came  in.  As  soon  as  he  heard  the  firing 
he  siezed  his  rifle  and  started  for  town.  He  supposed  a  stand 
would  be  made  somewhere  by  the  citizens,  and  he  could  join 
them.  When  he  reached  the  town  he  ^aw  at  once  it  was  in 
possession  of  the  rebels.  Being  an  excellent  marksman  he 
could  not  leave  without  trying  his  rifle.  His  first  shot  made 
a  rebel  jump  in  his  saddle  but  did  not  kill  him.  He  loaded 
again  and  fired  one  more  shot,  but  by  this  time  the  rebels 
were  all  around  him,  and  he  soon  fell  a  victim  to  their  bullets. 
After  he  was  dead  they  brutally  beat  his  head  to  pieces. 
Captain  George  W.  Bell  was  county  clerk.  He  lived  on  the 
hill  overlooking  the  town.  He  saw  the  raiders  before  they 
made  their  first  charge.  He  siezed  his  gun  and  started  out 
with  the  hope  of  reaching  the  main  street  before  them,  and 
joining  the  citizens  in  defending  the  town.  His  family  tried 
to  dissuade  him,  but  he  only  replied,  ''If  they  take  Lawrence 
they  must  do  it  over  my  dead  body."  With  a  prayer  for 
courage  and  help  he  started  on  the  run.  But  he  was  too 
late.  Before  he  could  reach  the  main  street  the  raiders  had 
possession.  He  endeavored  to  get  round  by  a  back  way  and 
came  to  the  ravine  west  of  the  street.  Here  he  met  other 
citizens  and  asked  them:  "Where  shall  we  meet?"  They 
assured  him  it  was  too  late  to  meet  anywhere,  and  urged  him 
to  save  himself  while  he  could.  He  turned  back  as  if  intend- 
ing to  go  home  again.  But  the  raiders  had  now  scattered  all 
over  and  he  was  in  the   midst  of   them.      Finding   escape  im- 


It 


MRS.    11R.    S.    B.    PRENTISS.  MRS.    O.    A.    H.\NSCOM. 

SOME  OF  THE  PIONEER  WOMEN, 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  -THE  REBELLION,  209 

possible,  he  went  into  an  unfinished  brick  house  and  cHmbed 
up  on  the  joists  together  with  another  man.  A  raider  came 
in  and  began  shooting  at  them.  He  interceded  for  his  friend,, 
and  soon  found  that  this  assailant  was  an  old  friend  of  his 
who  had  often  eaten  at  his  table.  He  appealed  to  him  in 
such  a  way  that  he  promised  to  spare  their  lives  if  they  would 
come  down.  They  came  down,  and  the  man  took  them  out- 
side where  about  twenty  of  his  companions  were  waiting. 
''Shoot  him,  shoot  him!"  was  their  cry.  He  asked  for  a 
moment  to  pray,  which  they  granted  him,  when  they  shot 
him  through  with  four  bullets.  Mr.  Bell  was  a  man  of  excel- 
lent character,  widely  known  and  everywhere  respected.  He 
left  a  wife  and  six  children  to  miss  and  mourn  him. 

The  two  Rankins,  Lieutenant  John  K.  Rankin  and  Cap- 
tain William  A.  Rankin,  cousins,  were  military  officers  at 
home  on  a  short  furlough.  Being  out  for  an  early  walk  when 
the  attack  was  made,  they  started  for  home.  Turning  a  cor- 
ner they  came  upon  two  raiders  attempting  to  shoot  a  man 
lying  in  a  yard.  They  drew  their  revolvers  and  rushed  toward 
the  two  horsemen.  Just  then  four  others  came  up  behind 
them,  and  they  all  began  shooting.  John  K.  Rankin  feels 
sure  he  wounded  one  man  severely  for  he  saw  him  jump  up  in 
his  saddle  and  then  ride  off  in  a  hurry.  How  many  shots 
were  exchanged  it  is  not  known,  but  the  Rankins  had  emptied 
their  revolvers,  and  the  six  raiders  had  kept  up  a  constant 
racket.  One  shot  was  deliberately  aimed  at  William  Rankin 
and  would  doubtless  have  ended  his  part  in  the  affair,  had  not 
the  bullet  hit  the  muzzle  of  his  own  revolver  which  he  fired  at 
the  same  time.  Just  as  their  ammunition  gave  out  the  raid- 
ers somehow  got  parted  from  them,  and  the  Rankins  escaped 
unhurt. 

With  but  few  exceptions,  however,  the  raiders  had  their 
own  way,  and  made  the  most  of  their  opportunity.  For  some 
four  hours  the  town  was  at  their  mercy,  and  it  received  no 
u 


2IO  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

mercy  at  tkeir  hands.  Along  the  business  street  they  did  the 
most  thorough  work.  The  first  fire  that  broke  out  was  from 
the  Lawrence  Republican  building,  where  the  opera  house  and 
post  office  now  stand.  They  then  proceeded  southward  down 
the  street  firing  the  buildings  as  they  went.  They  robbed  the 
buildings  before  they  burned  them,  usually  shooting  the  occu- 
pants they  found  in  them.  Many  of  these  were  left  to  be 
consumed  in  the  flames.  The  air  was  so  still  that  the  smoke 
from  each  building  shot  up  straight  into  the  sky,  and  stood 
like  great  black  columns  all  along  the  street.  One  at  a  little 
distance  could  follow  their  work  by  the  fires  they  kindled. 
Every  now  and  then  an  explosion  told  that  powder  had  been 
reached  in  some  of  the  stores.  After  a  little  the  smoke  hung 
like  a  cloud  over  the  town.  Bits  of  charred  paper  and  burnt 
cloth  floated  off  on  the  air.  Everybody  was  so  isolated  that 
few  knew  much  that  was  going  on  except  what  he  himself 
could  see. 

It  is  only  possible  to  give  a  few  of  the  incidents  of  the  mas- 
sacre. These  must  be  taken  as  specimens  of  the  whole.  To 
gain  any  idea  of  the  horrors  of  that  morning  these  few  inci- 
dents must  be  multiplied  by  the  number  of  the  killed  and 
wounded.  Even  this  would  not  give  the  entire  picture.  For 
many  of  those  who  escaped  could  tell  as  thrilling  a  tale  as 
any  that  could  be  told  by  the  dead.  Every  house  had  its 
story  of  incredible  brutality  or  marvelous  escape.  The  story 
of  that  morning  would  of  itself  fill  a  volume. 

In  marked  contrast  with  the  experience  of  the  Eldridge 
house  was  that  of  the  Johnson  house,  the  next  largest  hotel 
in  the  place.  The  raiders  came  here  after  they  knew  they 
were  in  possession  of  the  town.  They  had  no  further 
need  of  making  terms.  As  soon  as  they  entered  the 
house  they  ordered  all  the  men  to  surrender,  *'If  they  would 
do  this  they  would  not  be  hurt,  but  the  house  must  be 
burned.  "     Trusting   this  the  men  gave  themselves    up,    and 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  211 

were  marched  across  the  street  to  the  alley  back  of  where  the 
G.  A.  R.  hall  now  stands,  there  they  were  shot.  They  were 
all  killed  except  Mr.  Hampson,  who  fell  as  if  dead,  and  lay 
quietly  until  he  could  escape.  Mr.  Ralph  C.  Dix  lived  next 
door  to  the  Johnson  house.  His  own  house  being  of  wood, 
he  thought  it  would  be  safer  in  the  hotel.  When  the  hotel 
was  taken  he  was  taken  prisoner  and  shot  with  the  rest.  A 
brother  of  his,  Stephen  H.  Dix,  was  killed  while  trying  to  es- 
cape from  the  rear  of  the  hotel.  Another  brother  was  shot  three 
times  and  fell  almost  helpless.  The  building  he  was  in  was 
on  fire  and  burning  rapidly  over  him.  With  great  difficulty 
he  managed  to  drag  himself  out  and  kept  concealed  until  they 
were  gone. 

George  W.  Collamore  was  mayor  of  the  city.  He  lived  in 
the  western  part  of  the  town,  but  his  house  was  attacked  al- 
most at  the  first  onset.  The  raiders  evidently  knew  who  he  was 
and  knew  he  would  be  likely  to  organize  resistance  if  possible. 
They  planned,  therefore,  to  forestall  any  action  of  this  kind. 
He  was  awakened  by  their  shouts,  and  looking  out  of  the 
window  he  saw  the  house  was  entirely  surrounded.  There 
was  no  possibility  of  escape  and  there  was  but  one  hiding 
place.  In  the  rear  of  the  house  there  was  a  well  quite  close 
to  the  back  door.  He  and  Pat  Keefe  had  just  time  to  slip  down 
into  the  well  as  the  raiders  came  in  at  the  front.  They 
searched  the  house  from  top  to  bottom,  swearing  and  threat- 
ening all  the  while.  Failing  to  find  him  they  set  fire  to  the 
house,  and  waited  about  until  it  was  burned  to  the  ground. 
Mrs.  Collamore  went  to  the  back  door  while  the  house  was 
burning,  and  spoke  to  her  husband  and  he  responded.  She 
knew  he  was  alive  and  safe  when  she  left  the  house  which  she 
was  soon  compelled  to  do.  After  the  flames  had  subsided 
and  the  ground  was  clear,  she  went  again  to  the  well  and 
spoke  but  there  was  no  response.  As  soon  as  the  raiders 
were  gone.  Captain  J.    G.    Lowe,   a  warm   friend  of  General 


212  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

Collamore,  went  down  into  the  well  to  seek  him.  He  also 
lost  his  life  and  the  three  bodies  were  drawn  out  together. 
The  cause  of  their  death  could  only  be  a  matter  of  conjecture. 
The  common  supposition  was  that  the  heat  of  the  burning 
house  exhausted  the  air  from  the  well  and  suffocated  Mayor 
Collamore  and  Mr.  Keefe,  and  that  Capt.  Lowe,  in  his  eager- 
ness to  rescue  his  friend,  lost  his  footing  and  fell. 

A  block  south  of  Mayor  Collamore  lived  Dr.  J.  F.  Griswold. 
There  were  four  families  living  in  the  house.  Dr.  Griswold 
and  his  wife,  and  three  couples  who  were  boarding  with  them. 
These  were  Hon.  S.  M.  Thorpe,  state  senator;  Mr.  Josiah  C. 
Trask,  editor  of  the  State  Jour7ial,  and  Mr.  Harlow  W.  Baker, 
grocer;  and  their  wives.  The  house  was  attacked  about  the 
same  time  as  Mayor  CoUamore's.  They  called  for  the  men 
to  come  out.  As  the  men  were  armed,  and  were  vigorous 
young  men,  they  were  disposed  to  remain  in  the  house  and 
defend  themselves.  But  the  raiders  were  very  plausible. 
They  assured  them  they  would  not  be  harmed.  "We  have 
come  to  burn  Lawrence,  but  we  do  not  want  to  hurt  anybody, 
and  we  do  not  want  to  get  hurt.  If  the  citizens  will  make  us 
no  trouble,  we  will  do  them  no  harm.  We  want  you  to  go 
with  us  over  to  town  where  we  can  keep  you  under  guard  till 
we  are  through,  then  you  can  go.  It  will  be  better  for  every- 
body if  you  quietly  go  with  us."  Mr.  Trask  said  to  his  com-^ 
panions,  ''If  it  is  going  to  help  the  town  we  had  better  go 
with  them."  Then  they  came  down  stairs  and  went  out. 
The  raiders  ordered  them  into  line,  and  marched  them  towards 
the  town,  they  themselves  following  on  their  horses.  They 
had  scarcely  gone  a  dozen  yards  before  they  were  shot.  All 
four  fell  as  if  dead.  The  four  wives  were  on  the  balcony 
looking  on,  but  were  not  permitted  to  come  out  and  minister 
to  their  husbands  or  even  to  know  whether  they  were  dead  or 
alive.  After  the  shooting  the  ruffians  went  in  and  robbed  the 
house.       They  demanded  even  the   personal  jewelry  of   the 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  213 

ladies.  Mrs.  Trask  begged  to  be  allowed  to  retain  her  wed- 
ding ring.  ''You  have  killed  my  husband;  let  me  keep  his 
ring.  "  But  the  ruffian  snatched  it  from  her  hand  with  a 
brutal  oath.  The  men  lay  in  the  hot  sun  outside,  and  no 
one  could  go  to  them.  About  half  an  hour  after  the  shoot- 
ing, some  horsemen  rode  up  to  them,  and  shot  them  again. 
Mr.  Baker  received  his  only  dangerous  wound  at  the  second 
shooting.  It  was  not  till  after  the  raiders  had  left  the  town 
that  the  friends  could  know  who  was  dead  and  who  was  alive. 
Dr.  Griswold  and  Mr.  Trask  were  found  to  be  dead.  Mr. 
Thorpe  was  mortally  wounded  and  lingered  in  great  agony 
till  the  next  day.  Mr.  Baker  was  shot  the  first  time  through 
the  neck.  At  the  second  shooting  a  ball  passed  through 
the  lungs.  He  received  besides  one  or  two  other  slight 
wounds.  For  many  days  his  case  was  in  doubt,  but  having 
a  strong  constitution,  he  finally  recovered,  and  is  still  a 
member  of  the  firm  of  Ridenour  &  Baker,  leading  whole- 
sale grocers  at  Kansas  City. 

One  of  the  most  shocking  murders  was  that  of  Judge  Louis 
Carpenter.  Judge  Carpenter  was  a  young  man  of  marked 
ability,  and  had  already  won  some  distinction.  He  had  been 
judge  of  probate  for  Douglas  county,  and  the  year  before  had 
been  a  candidate  for  attorney  general  of  the  state.  He  had 
been  married  less  than  a  year  and  had  a  delightful  home  in 
the  eastern  part  of  the  town.  Several  gangs  came  to  his  house, 
robbed  him  of  his  valuables  and  took  what  they  pleased  from 
the  house.  But  his  coolness  and  self  possession,  his  genial 
manner  and  tact  every  time  diverted  them,  and  they  left  him 
unharmed  and  his  house  unburned.  Towards  the  last  an- 
other gang  came  who  were  harder  to  divert  than  the  others 
had  been.  He  accosted  them  in  his  usual  pleasant  way, 
hoping  to  engage  them  in  conversation.  One  of  them  asked 
''where  he  was  from.  "  "New  York,  "he  replied.  "Oh  its 
you  New  York  fellows  who  are  doing  all  the  mischief.  "     The 


214  ^    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

fellow  drew  his  revolver  and  Carpenter  ran  into  the  house. 
The  man  dismounted  and  followed.  Mr.  Carpenter  ran  first 
one  way  and  then  another,  and  finally  escaped  into  the  cellar. 
He  was  already  badly  wounded  and  the  blood  lay  in  a  pool 
where  he  stood.  His  hiding  place  was  soon  discovered,  and 
he  ran  out  into  the  yard.  The  man  followed  and  shot  him 
again.  He  fell  mortally  wounded.  His  wife  ran  to  him  and 
threw  herself  over  him  to  protect  him  from  further  violence. 
The  brute  deliberately  walked  around  her  to  find  a  place  to 
shoot  once  more.  He  finally  raised  her  arm,  thrust  his  re- 
volver under  it,  and  fired  so  that  she  saw  the  charge  enter  her 
husband's  head.  They  then  set  fire  to  the  house,  but  Mrs. 
Carpenter's  sister  extinguished  the  flames  and  saved  the  house. 
There  was  nothing  in  Judge  Carpenter's  character  or  life 
which  could  give  any  reason  for  the  venom  with  which  he 
was  pursued.  He  was  moderate  and  conservative  in  his  views 
and  had  taken  no  special  part  in  the  early  conflict.  There  is  no 
evidence  that  they  even  knew  who  he  was,  or  anything  about 
him  beyond  the  fact  that  he  lived  in  Lawrence. 

Another  case  of  singular  brutality  was  the  murder  of  Ed- 
ward P.  Fitch  who  lived  a  couple  of  blocks  from  Judge  Car- 
penter. He  was  up-stairs  when  they  came  to  the  door. 
They  called  to  him  to  come  down  and  as  soon  he  ap- 
peared they  shot  him,  and  he  fell  in  his  own  doorway. 
Although  he  was  evidently  dead,  they  continued  to  shoot 
until  they  had  lodged  six  or  eight  bullets  in  his  body.  They 
then  came  in  and  set  fire  to  the  house.  Mrs.  Fitch  endeav- 
ored to  drag  her  husband  out  from  the  house  but  they  forbade 
her.  She  then  tried  to  take  his  picture  from  the  wall,  but 
she  was  forbidden  to  do  even  this.  Stupefied  by  the  horrors 
of  the  scene  and  the  strange  brutality  exhibited  towards  her 
she  stood  in  a  half  dazed  condition  looking  at  what  was  going 
on  about  her.  As  the  fire  progressed  one  of  the  ruflians  came 
up  and  drove   her   out   of   the  house.      Otherwise   she    might 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  215 

have  perished  with  the  rest.  She  then  took  her  three  little 
ones  a  short  distance  away,  and  sat  down  on  the  grass  and 
watched  the  flames  consume  her  husband  who  still  lay  in  the 
doorway  of  his  home.  While  she  sat  looking  on,  one  of  the 
ruffians  went  up  to  the  door,  and  drew  the  boots  off  Mr. 
Fitch's  feet,  and  put  them  on  himself,  and  walked  away.  Mr. 
Fitch  was  a  young  man  of  excellent  character  and  highly  es- 
teemed by  everybody.  He  was  one  of  the  first  settlers  and 
taught  the  first  school  ever  taught  in  Lawrence  or  in  Kansas. 
He  was  an  earnest  Christian  and  was  secretary  of  the  Congre- 
gational Sunday  school.  He  was  quiet  in  his  habits,  mild 
and  gentle  in  his  spirit.  He  was  not  at  all  partizan  in  his 
views,  and  was  always  a  friend  of  order  and  justice  and  peace. 
The  occasion  of  the  peculiar  ferocity  exhibited  towards  him  is 
one  of  the  many  mysteries  of  this  very  mysterious  affair. 
His  wife  could  think  of  but  one  explanation.  The  children 
had  a  little  toy  flag  stuck  up  on  the  shed  in  the  back  yard. 
She  was  of  the  opinion  that  this  little  flag,  a  few  inches  square, 
angered  them  and  drew  out  the  singular  hate  they  manifested. 
James  Ferine  and  James  Eldridge  were  clerks  in  what  was 
called  the  "Country  Store,  "  kept  by  George  Ford,  who  lived 
two  blocks  away.  They  were  young  men  of  about  seventeen 
years  of  age.  They  slept  in  the  store  and  had  no  opportunity 
to  escape.  A  squad  of  the  raiders  came  in  and  ordered  them 
to  open  the  safe.  ''They  said  the  key  was  at  the  house. '^ 
Some  of  the  ruffians  went  with  one  of  them  to  get  the  key, 
while  the  rest  kept  guard  over  the  other.  They  promised  to 
spare  them  both  if  they  would  open  the  safe  for  them.  As 
soon  as  the  key  was  brought  and  the  safe  thrown  open,  they 
shot  them  both  and  left  them  dead  upon  the  floor.  Mr.  Burt 
was  standing  in  front  of  his  house  when  a  squad  rode  up  and 
demanded  his  money.  He  handed  him  his  pocket  book,  and 
as  the  fellow  took  the  pocket  book  with  one  hand,  he  shot  Mr. 
Burt  with  the  other.      Mr.   Murphy,  a  short  distance  up   the 


2l6  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

same  street,  was  asked  for  a  drink  of  water.  He  brought 
out  the  water,  and  as  the  ruffian  took  the  cup  with  his  left 
hand,  he  shot  his  benefactor  with  his  right  hand.  Mr.  Ellis, 
a  German  blacksmith,  ran  into  some  corn  near  his  house,  and 
took  his  little  child  with  him.  For  a  time  he  remained  con- 
cealed, but  after  a  while  the  child  grew  weary  and  began  to 
cry.  The  ruffians  outside  hearing  the  cry,  ran  into  the  corn 
and  killed  the  father,  leaving  the  child  in  the  dead  father's 
arms.  Mr.  Albach,  also  a  German,  was  sick  in  his  bed.  The 
ruffians  came  into  the  house  and  ordered  it  cleared  at  once 
that  they  might  burn  it.  The  family  carried  him  out  on  the 
mattress  and  laid  him  in  the  yard.  In  a  few  moments  some 
of  them  came  out  of  the  house  and  killed  him  in  his  bed. 

But  even  these  atrocities  were  surpassed.  Mr.  D.  W.  Palmer 
kept  a  gun  shop  on  Massachusetts  street  south  of  the  business 
portion.  It  was  a  small  wooden  building  and  stood  alone. 
He  was  so  surrounded  by  them  that  it  was  not  possible  to  es- 
cape and  he  was  compelled  to  remain  in  his  shop  while  they  were 
doing  their  work.  For  quite  a  while  he  was  not  disturbed. 
Towards  the  last  a  gang  of  ruffians  who  had  become  drunk  on 
the  liquor  they  had  found  in  the  saloons  of  the  town,  came  to 
the  shop  on  their  way  out.  Mr  Palmer  and  another  man  were 
standing  in  the  door  of  the  shop,  and  they  fired  upon  them 
wounding  them  both.  They  then  set  fire  to  the  shop,  and  the 
shop  being  all  of  wood,  without  plastering,  burned  rapidly. 
While  the  shop  was  burning,  the  brutes  took  up  the  wounded 
men,  bound  their  hands  together  and  flung  them  into  the  flames. 
They  rose  to  their  feet  and  tried  to  come  out  from  the  fire,  but 
their  assailants  pushed  them  back  with  their  guns.  After  the 
bandages  were  burned  from  their  waists  they  threw  up  their 
hands  and  begged  for  mercy,  but  were  answered  only  by  shouts 
of  derision  from  their  merciless  tormentors.  As  soon  as  the 
poor  fellows  were  dead  the  brutes  passed  on  with  a  shout  of 
triumph,  and  joined  their  comrades  who  were  now  leaving  the 
town. 


FRANK    A.   BAILEY.  CHAS.   W.   SMITH. 

EARLY  MERCHANTS  IN  LAWRENCE. 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  217 

Mr.  J.  W.  Thornton,  a  laboring  man,  was  awakened  by  the 
shooting  all  around  him.  He  remained  up  stairs  till  his  house 
was  on  fire,  and  then  came  down  and  ran  out  and  tried  to  es- 
cape. The  ruffians  fired  at  him  and  inflicted  three  ugly 
wounds  in  his  hips.  He  still  went  on,  however,  but  as  he  was 
trying  to  get  over  some  bars  into  a  yard,  another  ball  struck 
him  just  back  of  the  shoulder,  and  passed  down  the  whole  length 
of  his  back  and  came  out  at  the  hip.  His  wife  ran  to  him  and 
tried  to  protect  him  from  further  violence.  One  of  the  men 
sat  on  his  horse  over  them,  and  finally  got  his  pistol  between 
the  two  and  fired  again,  the  ball  grazing  his  eye  and  passing 
through  his  cheek.  The  fellow  then  cried  'T  can  kill  you," 
and  began  beating  him  over  the  head  with  the  butt  of  his  re- 
volver until  the  poor  man  fell  senseless  to  the  ground  from 
sheer  exhaustion.  The  brute  not  yet  satisfied,  leveled  his  re- 
volver to  shoot  again,  but  the  wife  flew  at  the  man  and  pushed 
the  revolver  aside.  The  fellow  soon  left,  supposing  his  victim 
to  be  dead.  But  strange  to  say  the  poor  fellow,  after  being 
shot  with  six  bullets,  two  of  which  always  remained  among  the 
joints  of  the  hips,  and  pounded  over  the  head  with  a  revolver, 
still  lived  for  many  years,  a  cripple  and  a  great  sufferer,  yet 
able  to  get  about  and  to  do  some  sorts  of  work. 

Age  was  no  protection,  and  many  old  people  were  brutally 
killed.  Mr.  Otis  Lonley  lived  about  a  mile  from  town  to  the 
southwest.  He  was  a  quiet,  peaceable  christian  man,  about  sixty 
years  of  age.  He  had  never  taken  any  special  part  in  public 
affairs  and  certainly  never  could  have  given  any  offense  by 
extreme  views.  He  and  his  wife  were  a  kindly  couple  living 
alone  in  a  cottage  on  a  little  farm.  Two  of  the  pickets  sta- 
tioned on  the  hill  to  watch  the  country,  came  down  to  their 
house.  The  wife,  a  charming  old  lady,  begged  them  to  be 
merciful.  "We  are  old  people"  she  said,  "and  cannot  live 
long  at  the  best."  They  paid  no  heed  to  her  entreaties,  but 
shot  the  old  gentleman  in  the  yard.      The  first  shot  not  doing 


2l8  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

its  work,  they  shot  him  again  and  again,  until  he  was  dead. 
They  then  attempted  to  burn  the  house,  but  by  the  energy  of 
the  old  lady  the  house  was  saved. 

While  the  entreaties  of  women  sometimes  availed  for  the 
saving  of  property,  they  very  seldom  availed  for  the  saving  of 
life.  In  many  cases  men  were  shot  with  their  wives  clinging 
to  them.  Mr.  George  H.  Sargent  lived  in  a  house  on  New 
Hampshire  street.  He  came  out  in  front  and  they  at  once  as- 
sailed him.  His  wife  clung  to  him  and  begged  for  his  life. 
She  tried  to  keep  between  them  and  him.  But  one  of  them 
at  last  shot  by  her  so  close  that  the  passing  ball  burned  her 
neck.  The  bullet  struck  him  in  the  face  and  he  fell  mortally 
wounded. 

All  the  persons  thus  far  named  were  private  citizens,  quiet 
and  peaceable  and  moderate  in  their  views  and  speech  and 
action.  None  of  them  had  been  connected  with  the  army,  and 
none  of  them  had  been  active  in  the  early  trouble.  There 
could  not  possibly  be  any  personal  reason  why  any  of  them 
were  attacked.  In  most  cases  the  murderers  could  have  known 
nothing  whatever  of  them,  as  to  who  they  were  or  what  they 
were.  They  killed  them  simply  because  they  found  them  in 
Lawrence,  and  they  came  to  kill. 

The  colored  people  were  pursued  with  peculiar  malignity, 
but  they  knew  what  they  might  expect  from  their  old  masters, 
and  they  all  ran  who  could  at  the  first  alarm.  As  a  result  they 
fared  better  than  the  white  people.  One  active  young  colored 
man  ran  at  the  first  charge,  and  made  for  the  Wakarusa  river 
four  miles  south.  In  describing  his  flight,  he  said  ''the prairie 
just  came  to  me."  Reaching  the  Wakarusa  he  climbed  into  a 
tree  to  watch  operations.  After  a  while  he  was  startled  to  see 
the  w^hole  troop  coming  away  from  town  on  the  road  which 
passed  right  under  his  tree.  There  was  no  getting  away,  so 
he  concealed  himself  among  the  leaves  and  brances  and  luckily 
was  not  seen.      He  said  "they  were  a  mighty  long  while  pass- 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  219 

ing  under  him."  Most  of  the  colored  people  who  were  killed 
were  old  and  decrepid.  "Old  Uncle  Frank"  as  he  was  called 
was  about  ninety  years  old.  He  was  born  in  "Old  Virginny. " 
He  said  he  was  the  first  slave  to  come  to  Lawrence  after  the  war 
opened  the  way.  "When  I  was  a  slave  I  pray  de  Lord  to  let 
me  go  somewhere,  so  I  could  tend  meetin  all  I  wanted  to. 
And  now  de  good  Lord  has  answered  my  prayer."  He  was  a 
short  heavy  set  man,  crippled  with  "rheumatiz,"  and  com- 
pelled to  hobble  about  on  a  cane.  In  spite  of  all  this  he 
would  work,  getting  a  job  of  chopping  at  one  place  and  a  job 
of  hoeing  at  another.  In  this  way  he  earned  what  little  his 
simple  habits  required.  He  always  worked  faithfully  and  did 
his  work  well.  '  When  the  raiders  came  he  was  too  lame  to 
get  out  of  their  way.  He  was  seen  hobbling  away  and  they 
shot  him.  He  fell  and  they  left  him  for  dead.  After  a  little 
when  he  thought  himself  unobserved,  he  got  up  and  began  to 
hobble  off  again.  But  some  of  them  saw  him  and  dashed  up- 
on him  and  killed  him. 

"Uncle  Henry"  was  another  decrepid  old  negro.  He 
crawled  into  a  barn  and  hid  himself.  He  was  discovered 
and  killed  and  burned  with  the  building.  Old  man  Stone- 
street  was  a  Baptist  preacher  among  the  colored  people.  He 
was  about  sixty  years  of  age.  He  and  another  old  negro 
were  together  and  were  both  killed.  Anthony  Oldham  was 
another  colored  preacher.  He  was  a  man  of  fine  character 
and  was  very  highly  regarded.  He  was  shot  in  the  doorway 
of  his  own  house  in  the  presence  of  his  daughter. 
'  As  a  rule  the  raiders  took  good  care  of  themselves.  While 
full  of  bluster  and  brutality  the}^  were  shy  of  danger.  They 
came  to  kill  and  not  to  be  killed.  While  tearing  about  like 
tigers  among  helpless  people,  they  took  good  care  to 
keep  away  from  all  places  where  resistance  might  be  devel- 
oped. They  were  especially  shy  of  brick  and  stone  houses^ 
and  seldom  entered  one  until  they  knew  it  was  unguarded. 


^20  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

Mr.  A.  K.  Allen,  an  old  gentleman,  lived  in  a  solid  looking 
brick  house.  A  gang  of  them  came  to  his  door  and  ordered 
him  to  come  out.  He  replied,  "No,  but  you  come  in  if  you 
want  to  see  me.  I  am  good  for  five  of  you.  "  For  some  rea- 
son they  did  not  accept  his  invitation  and  he  and  his  house 
were  not  molested  any  more. 

Ex-Governor  Charles  Robinson  was  an  object  of  special 
search  among  them.  He  was  one  of  the  men  they  particu- 
larly wanted.  During  the  v/hole  time  they  were  in  town  he 
was  in  his  large  stone  barn  on  the  hillside.  He  had  just 
gone  to  the  barn  to  get  his  team  to  drive  out  into  the  country, 
when  he  saw  them  come  in  and  saw  them  make  their  first 
charge.  He  concluded  to  remain  where  he  was.  The  barn 
overlooked  the  whole  town,  and  he  saw  the  affair  from  be- 
ginning to  end.  Gangs  of  raiders  came  by  several  times  and 
looked  at  the  barn  and  went  round  it,  but  it  looked  so  much 
like  a  fort,  that  they  kept  out  of  range. 

On  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river  there  were  twelve  soldiers 
stationed  for  some  sort  of  police  duty  on  the  Indian  reserva- 
tion. When  the  raiders  first  came  in  they  filled  Massachusetts 
street  right  up  to  the  river  bank.  But  these  boys  in  blue  on 
the  opposite  side  the  river  made  free  use  of  their  minnie  rifles 
and  shot  at  every  butternut  that  came  in  sight.  Their  minnie 
balls  went  screaming  up  the  street  and  soon  cleared  the  whole 
region  along  the  river  side.  Two  or  three  tiers  of  houses  all 
around  the  ''bend  of  the  river"  were  thus  saved,  as  well  as 
those  who  were  fortunate  enough  to  take  refuge  in  them. 

There  was  a  deep  wooded  ravine  running  almost  through 
the  center  of  the  town,  to  which  scores  of  men  escaped. 
The  raiders  often  chased  men  to  the  edge  of  this  ravine,  but 
never  followed  them  into  it.  To  their  wholesome  fear  of  some 
hidden  foe,  many  a  man  owed  his  life.  A  large  cornfield  just 
west  of  the  town  was  also  full  of  refugees.  The  raiders  came 
to  the  edge  of  the  field  a  number  of  times  and  looked  in  but 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  221 

did  not  venture  among  the  corn.  They  asked  a  lady  who  lived 
just  outside,  "What  there  was  in  that  cornfield."  ''Go  and 
see,  and  you  will  find  it  the  hottest  place  you  were  ever  in." 
Having  been  in  several  times  to  carry  water  to  the  men,  she 
could  speak  from  expedience  as  to  its  being  a  "hot  place"  on 
a  warm  summer  morning.  They  put  another  meaning  on  her 
words,  however,  and  did  not  care  to  make  any  personal  ex- 
amination. Whenever  they  had  occasion  to  pass  by  the 
wooded  ravine  or  the  cornfield,  they  were  careful  to  keep  at  a 
safe  distance.  In  like  manner  every  little  ravine  and  thicket 
about  the  outskirts  of  the  town  became  a  refuge  to  those  who 
could  reach  them,  for  the  raiders  shunned  them  as  if  an  am- 
bush lay  in  each  one  of  them.  Had  they  been  as  brave  as 
'they  were  brutal,  and  dashed  into  these  hiding  places,  the 
number  of  victims  would  probably  have  been  doubled.  But 
men  who  are  brutal  are  seldom  brave,  and  brave  men  are 
never  brutes. 

There  were  many  remarkable  escapes.  Anything  served  for 
a  hiding  place  in  the  stress,  and  often  the  least  promising 
proved  the  most  effective.  Some  fled  to  the  cornfields  near 
town,  others  to  the  "  friendly  brush  "  by  the  river  bank.  The 
cornfield  to  the  west  and  the  woods  to  the  east  were  all  alive 
with  refugees.  Many  hid  in  w^hat  has  since  become  "the 
park,"  but  which  was  then  a  field  of  corn.  Some  who  could 
get  no  further,  laid  among  the  plants  and  weeds  of  their  own 
garden.  Mr.  Troy  Strode,  a  colored  blacksmith,  had  a  little 
patch  of  tomato  vines  not  more  than  ten  feet  square.  He 
took  his  money  and  buried  himself  among  the  vines.  The 
raiders  came  and  burned  his  shop  not  more  than  ten  feet  from 
him,  but  did  not  discover  him.  Old  Mr.  Miner  ran  into  the 
park  and  hid  among  the  corn.  Hearing  a  great  racket  near 
by,  his  curiosity  got  the  better  of  his  judgment,  and  he  came 
to  the  edge  of  the  corn  to  see  what  was  going  on.  They 
saw  him  and  began  shooting,  and  he  ran   back  into  the  corn. 


222  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

He  heard  them  breaking  down  the  fence  and  knew  they  were 
coming  after  him.  He  ran  through  the  corn  therefore  and  hid 
himself  in  a  little  patch  of  weeds  beyond.  They  dashed 
through  the  corn  after  him,  but  not  finding  him  where  they  ex- 
pected they  turned  back,  never  thinking  to  look  into  the  bunch 
of  weeds  at  their  feet  where  their  horses  must  almost  have 
stepped  on  him. 

Near  the  center  of  the  town  was  a  sort  of  out-door  cellar 
with  an  obscure  entrance.  A  woman  whose  name  has  not  been 
preserved,  but  who  ought  to  be  put  on  record  as  one  of  the 
heroines  of  the  day,  stationed  herself  at  a  convenient  distance 
from  the  entrance  to  this  cave.  Every  poor  fugitive  that  came 
near  she  directed  to  this  hiding  place.  Thus  eight  or  ten  had 
escaped  their  pursuers  and  disappeared  they  knew  not  how 
nor  where.  Finding  at  last  they  always  disappeared  after 
passing  this  woman,  they  began  to  suspect  that  she  had  some- 
thing to  do  with  it.  They  came  upon  her  in  a  blustering  way 
and  demanded  to  know  the  place  of  their  hiding.  She  calmly 
refused  to  tell  them.  One  of  them  drew  his  revolver  and  aim- 
ing at  her  said  with  an  oath:  ''Tell  me  or  I  will  shoot  you." 
Looking  him  in  the  eye  she  said  softly  but  firmly:  "You  may 
shoot  me  if  you  will,  but  you  will  not  find  out  where  the  men 
are."  Finding  they  could  not  intimidate  her  they  turned  away 
and  the  men  remained  safe  to  the  end. 

John  Bergen  was  wounded  and  taken  off  with  six  or  eight 
other  prisoners.  After  taking  them  a  short  distance  their 
captors  shot  all  of  them  dead  except  Mr.  Bergen.  He  had 
fallen  and  was  lying  down  exhausted  from  loss  of  blood,  and 
thqy  probably  supposed  him  dead  already.  He  now  lay  among 
the  dead  feigning  death.  After  a  little  a  ruffian  came  up  and 
seeing  he  was  yet  alive  aimed  at  his  head  and  fired.  He  felt 
the  ball  pass  and  instantly  dropped  his  head.  The  man 
thought  from  this  he  had  finished  his  work  and  rode  off.  His 
head  was  now  brought  under  the  body  of  a  young  man  who 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  223 

had  been  killed  with  the  rest.  The  mother  came  soon  after 
to  wash  the  blood  from  her  dead  boy's  face.  As  she  began  to 
lift  him,  Mr.  Bergen  begged  her  to  let  him  remain  there  as  his 
only  hope  of  life  was  in  lying  under  the  dead  body.  The 
mother  laid  her  boy  gently  back  where  he  was,  and  left  them 
there  together,  the  dead  protecting  the  living  from  death. 

Hon.  Samuel  A  Riggs,  district  attorney,  was  set  upon  by 
one  of  the  most  pitiless  wretches  in  the  whole  troop.  He 
encountered  him  in  the  street  in  front  of  his  house.  His  wife 
ran  out  and  stood  by  his  side.  A  few  words  passed  between 
them,  when  the  man  drew  his  revolver  and  took  aim.  Mr. 
Riggs  knocked  the  revolver  aside  and  ran.  The  man  whirled 
his  horse  and  started  after  him.  Mrs.  Riggs  instantly  seized 
the  bridle  rein  and  clung  to  it  till  she  was  dragged  around  the 
house,  over  a  wood  pile,  through  the  back  yard  and  round  to 
the  street  again.  Mr.  Riggs  was  not  yet  out  of  sight  and  the 
man  took  aim  again.  Mrs.  Riggs  seized  the  other  rein  and 
whirled  the  horse  about  and  clung  to  him  till  Mr.  Riggs  was 
out  of  reach.  All  this  time  the  man  was  swearing  at  her  in 
the  vilest  fashion,  beating  her  over  the  head  and  arms  with 
his  revolver,  and  threatening  to  shoot  her. 

Perhaps  the  most  remarkable  escape  was  that  of  Rev.  H. 
D.  Fisher.  Mr.  Fisher  had  been  pastor  of  the  Methodist 
church  in  Lawrence,  and  for  some  months  had  been  chaplain 
of  a  Kansas  regiment  doing  service  in  Missouri.  For  this  and 
other  reasons  he  was  one  of  the  men  the  raiders  particularly 
wanted.  He  was  at  this  time  at  home  for  a  few  days  and  the 
raiders  knew  of  this  fact.  As  soon  as  he  heard  their  charge 
on  the  town,  he  started  out  for  a  place  of  safely.  He  soon 
saw  he  had  little  chance  of  escaping  by  flight,  and  returned  to 
the  house  and  hid  himself  in  the  cellar.  It  was  not  many 
minutes  before  his  house  was  surrounded,  and  they  came  in 
and  demanded  that  his  wife  tell  them  where  he  was.  Of 
course  she  would  not  tell.      They  then  said  they  knew  he  was 


224  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

in  the  house  and  they  would  find  him.  They  insisted  that  he 
was  in  the  cellar.  She  lit  a  lamp  for  them,  and  told  them  to 
go  down  and  see  for  themselves.  The  cellar  was  unfinished, 
being  only  partly  excavated.  He  had  climbed  upon  a  bank 
and  was  lying  in  a  drain  by  the  farther  wall.  They  searched 
the  cellar,  held  the  lamp  up  to  the  bank  so  that  it  shone  in 
his  face,  but  it  did  not  reveal  him  to  them.  They  went  up 
and  still  insisted  that  he  was  certainly  in  the  house,  and  they 
would  smoke  him  out.  They  began  to  kindle  fires  about  the 
house,  and  Mrs.  Fisher  put  them  out  as  they  lit  them.  But 
the  fires  grew  too  many  for  her,  and  it  was  evident  the  house 
must  be  burned.  They  then  went  out  and  stood  round  the 
fence  w^aiting  for  him  to  come  out  as  they  knew  he  soon  must. 
Mrs.  Fisher  kept  pouring  water  over  the  spot  where  Mr. 
Fisher  was  lying  to  keep  the  fire  from  him  as  long  as  possible. 
At  last  she  whispered  to  him  that  she  could  do  no  more,  and 
he  must  get  out  in  some  way.  The  cellar  had  a  small  window 
right  by  the  kitchen  door,  so  Mr.  Fisher  crawled  out  at  this 
window,  his  wife  threw  a  carpet  over  him,  and  rolled  him  up 
in  it  and  dragged  the  whole  bundle  into  the  yard,  and  threw 
it  under  a  peach  tree.  Then  she  brought  out  other  pieces  of 
furniture  and  piled  around  it,  and  there  they  were  all  left. 
The  raiders  meanwhile  were  yelling  and  screaming  all  around 
the  place,  watching  for  him  to  appear.  They  did  not  leave 
till  the  house  was  consumed. 

Some  saved  themselves  by  their  ready  wit.  An  officer  in 
the  camp  of  recruits  which  was  fired  upon  at  the  first  charge, 
ran  for  his  life.  Several  horsemen  gave  chase,  firing  at  him 
as  they  followed.  Finding  escape  impossible  he  dashed  into 
the  shanty  of  a  colored  family,  seizing  a  dress  that  was  hang- 
ing on  the  wall,  he  threw  it  over  him  and  putting  on  the 
woman's  sunbonnet,  he  went  out  at  the  back  door  and  de- 
liberately walked  away.  His  pursuers  burst  in  at  the  front 
door  as  he  went  out,  and  searched  the  house.      They  did  not 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  225 

find  him  of  course,  but  never  thought  of  questioning  the  old 
woman  who  walked  out  as  they  came  in. 

A  son  of  John  Speer  hid  himself  under  a  sidewalk.  The  fire 
soon  drove  him  from  his  hiding  place  into  the  street  which 
was  full  of  raiders.  He  went  boldly  up  to  some  of  them  and 
offered  his  services  in  holding  their  horses.  They  asked  him 
his  name,  and  thinking  the  name  of  John  Speer  might  be  too 
familiar,  he  answered  ''John  Smith."  Under  that  name  he 
remained  among  them  till  they  left  and  was  not  harmed. 

One  man  was  shot  at  as  he  was  running  away,  and  fell  head- 
long into  a  gutter.  His  wife  thinking  him  dead  began  to 
scream  and  wring  her  hands.  From  her  grief  the  raiders 
thought  her  husband  was  dead  and  rode  off.  As  soon  as  they 
were  gone  the  man  said:  "Don't  take  on  so,  wife,  I  don't 
know  that  I  am  hit  at  all."  And  so  it  proved  to  be.  The 
cashier  of  the  Lawrence  bank  crawled  under  a  sidewalk.  Near- 
by was  an  old  colored  man  who  had  sought  the  same  refuge. 
Being  a  pious  old  man,  he  called  mightily  upon  God  to  save 
him.  His  cries  could  be  heard  half  a  block  away.  The  cashier 
suggested  to  him  that  "the  Lord  would  hear  him  just  as  well  if 
he  did  not  pray  quite  so  loud,  and  the  raiders  couldn't."  He 
hushed  for  a  minute,  but  soon  began  to  "cry  aloud"  again. 
The  cashier  thought  it  prudent  to  find  a  quieter,  if  less  pious 
hiding  place. 

Mr.  Winchell,  being  hard  pressed,  ran  into  the  house  of 
Dr.  Charles  Reynolds,  formerly  rector  of  the  Episcopal  church. 
The  doctor  was  away  from  home,  a  chaplain  in  the  army. 
Mrs.  Reynolds  and  two  other  ladies  were  in  the  house.  The}'' 
at  once  set  their  wits  at  work  to  devise  a  plan  for  saving  Mr. 
Winchell  in  case  the  raiders  came  to  the  house.  They 
finally  hit  upon  a  plan  which  proved  successful.  Getting  a 
razor  they  shaved  off  the  man's  whiskers,  put  a  lady's  wrap- 
per over  him,  and  tied  an  old  woman's  cap  on  his  head. 
They  then  placed  him  in  an  invalid  chair  with  a  stand  beside 

15 


226  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

it,  covered  with  cups  and  spoons  and  medicine  bottles. 
One  of  the  ladies  sat  by  his  side  fanning  him.  This  was 
to  be  their  ''Aunt  Betsie,"  very  ill.  It  was  not  long  before 
a  band  of  the  raiders  came  in.  The  ladies  bade  them  take 
anything  they  could  find,  but  begged  them  to  be  as  quiet  as 
possible,  so  as  not  to  disturb  "Poor  Aunt  Betsie."  They 
helped  themselves  to  what  they  wanted,  looked  suspiciously 
several  times  at  the  invalid  chair,  but  finally  went  away 
without  disturbing  the  poor  invalid. 

The  women  of  Lawrence  always  proved  themselves  heroes 
when  the  occasion  presented  itself.  Their  brave  deeds  and 
shrewd  devices  did  very  much  to  lessen  the  calamity  of  the 
raid.  Their  courage  and  vigilance  were  a  marked  feature  of 
that  terrible  day.  It  was  said  that  Quantrill  made  the  remark 
''that  the  women  of  Lawrence  were  a  brave  lot,  but  the  men 
were  a  set  of  'blank'  cowards."  The  fact  that  the  women 
had  nothing  worse  to  fear  than  brutal  oaths  and  vile  threats, 
while  the  men  knew  they  would  be  shot  at  sight,  possibly  had 
something  to  do  with  the  difference,  but  the  conduct  of  the 
women  was  worthy  of  all  praise.  Some  of  them  by  their  tact 
and  ingenious  conversation  diverted  the  ruffians  till  their  hus- 
bands had  made  good  their  escape.  Often  they  met  the 
raiders  at  the  gate  and  entertained  them  with  bright  and  witty 
talk.  Others  boldly  faced  them  and  extinguished  the  fires  as 
they  were  kindled.  But  for  this  the  number  of  houses  burned 
would  have  been  doubled.  In  fact  there  would  have  been 
very  few  houses  left.  One  woman  hid  her  husband  in  a  safe 
place  in  the  house.  The  raiders  set  fire  to  the  house  and  re- 
mained near  by  to  see  it  burn.  She  did  not  dare  extinguish 
the  fire  for  fear  they  would  come  in  again  and  make  sure  work 
of  it.  So  she  kept  it  smouldering  and  smoking  until  they 
moved  away.     Then  she  extinguished  it. 

The  house  of  Mr.  F.  W.  Read  was  visited  some  seven  times, 
and  fire  kindled  three  or  four  times.      Each  time   Mrs.   Read 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION,  227 

extinguished  the  flames.  The  last  gang  swore  the  house 
should  be  burned.  One  of  the  ruffians  seized  Mrs.  Reid  by 
the  wrists,  and  held  her  fast  while  the  rest  kindled  the  fire. 
They  piled  up  broken  chairs  and  other  things  by  the  window, 
and  set  fire  to  them.  They  waited  till  the  whole  window  and 
window  frame  were  in  flames.  They  then  released  her  and 
told  her  with  an  oath  ''to  put  that  out  if  she  could."  The 
moment  they  were  gone  she  seized  an  armful  of  blankets  and 
holding  them  before  her,  threw  herself  with  all  her  force 
against  the  burning  window,  and  knocked  the  burning  sash 
and  frame  clear  out  into  the  street.  She  then  easily  extin- 
guished the  rest.  She  was  badly  burned  but  she  saved  the 
house. 

Just  north  of  Mr.  Read's  on  New  Hampshire  street  lived 
Mr.  L.  Bullene.  He  was  in  New  York  buying  goods,  and 
Mrs.  Bullene  and  her  children  were  at  home.  A  sister  of  Mr. 
Bullene,  afterwards  Mrs.  Major  Warner,  of  Kansas  City,  was 
with  them.  New  Hampshire  street  being  next  east  of  Massa- 
chusetts street,  was  full  of  raiders  continually.  They  made  the 
Bullene  house  a  sort  of  rendezvous.  Captain  Bill  Todd  came 
in  with  a  lot  of  men  and  ordered  breakfast.  Captain  Todd 
promised  that  the  house  should  not  be  burned.  Other  bands 
came  and  wanted  breakfast  and  Mrs.  Bullene  cooked  for  them 
as  long  as  anything  was  left  in  the  house.  The  two  ladies  dis- 
played consummate  skill  in  getting  them  into  conversation 
and  diverting  them.  One  raider  called  for  a  drink  of  milk. 
When  they  brought  it  he  compelled  them  to  drink  of  it  first. 
Then  a  band  came  in  and  said  they  must  burn  the  house.  Mrs. 
Bullene  said  ''you  must  help  me  carry  out  my  invalid  mother." 
As  soon  as  they  looked  into  the  room  where  the  old  lady  was, 
they  were  touched  by  her  pale  and  feeble  look,  and  went  away. 
Another  band  insisted  on  burning  the  house,  and  Mrs.  Bullene 
assured  them  that  Captain  Todd  had  ordered  it  spared.  "In 
that  case  we  will  not  burn  it,  we  obey  orders."     Though  con- 


228  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

stantly  overrun  by  them  it  escaped,  the  torch,  and  was  the  only 
house  left  standing  in  that  neighborhood.  William  L.  Bullene 
the  son,  was  a  lad  old  enough  to  take  it  all  in,  but  too  young 
to  think  of  being  in  danger  himself.  He  was  out  among  them 
all  the  time  in  front  of  the  house.  He  saw  the  whole  thing  in 
the  very  center  of  it.  He  saw  nine  men  killed.  Young  John 
Speer  was  killed  not  far  from  him.  The  man  who  first  shot 
him  had  an  American  flag  tied  to  the  tail  of  his  horse,  dragging 
in  the  dirt.  Young  Speer  fell  and  lay  as  if  dead,  but  was  not 
seriously  hurt.  Soon  another  came  along  and  shot  the  boy 
through  the  head.  One  of  them  a  little  later  drew  a  revolver 
on  young  Bullene,  but  his  mother  seized  the  fellow's  arm  and 
pushed  him  back.  The  raiders  dropped  two  guns  in  the  yard, 
which  young  Bullene  picked  up  and  kept  as  mementoes  of  the 
day.      One  was  a  musket,  the  other  a  shot  gun. 

Young  Bullene  witnessed  one  very  remarkable  escape. 
There  was  a  recruiting  office  on  Massachusetts  street  just 
across  from  their  house.  The  officer  in  charge  found  himself 
shut  in  when  the  raiders  came.  He  could  not  stay  in  his  office 
and  to  show  himself  in  his  uniform  was  to  invite  death.  The 
building  which  his  office  was  in  ran  back  to  the  alley  just  in 
front  of  Mr.  Bullene's  house.  It  was  a  cheap  wooden  extension 
standing  on  blocks.  The  officer  went  to  the  rear  end,  and 
slipping  out,  crawled  under  the  building.  But  the  building 
was  soon  on  fire  and  he  must  leave.  New  Hampshire  street 
was  full  of  horsemen  and  there  was  no  place  to  conceal  him- 
self. There  was  nothing  to  be  done  but  to  dash  through  them 
and  take  his  chances.  He  dared  not  attempt  that  in  his  uni- 
form. So  he  threw  off  all  but  his  shirt  and  drawers,  then  ran 
for  his  life  across  the  street.  Every  man  that  saw  him  run- 
ning shot  at  him,  and  the  bullets,  rattled  about  him  like  hail. 
But  he  dashed  through  it  all  to  the  rear  of  the  Bullene  house, 
where  young  Bullene  disguised  him  in  woman's  clothes  and  he 
remained  safe  to  the  end. 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  229 

Another  singular  event  occured  right  here,  showing  the 
power  of  imagination  and  fright.  A  young  printer  was  stay- 
ing in  the  same  house  with  Mr.  Sargent.  He  came  out  of  the 
house  and  a  number  of  the  raiders  fired  at  him.  He  fell  head- 
long and  they  supposed  him  dead.  He  himself  supposed  he 
was  mortally  wounded,  and  made  no  attempt  to  rise.  He  lay 
so  close  to  the  burning  house  that  he  was  nearly  roasted.  Yet 
he  did  not  stir  and  those  who  saw  him  left  him  never  thinking 
he  was  alive.  After  it  was  all  over  some  friends  came  to  re- 
move him,  and  found  him  still  living.  They  asked  him  where 
he  was  hurt,  but  he  could  not  tell  them.  He  did  not  know, 
but  thought  he  was  badly  wounded.  They  looked  him  over 
carefully,  and  found  he  had  not  received  a  scratch.  He  was 
so  badly  burned,  however,  that  he  had  to  be  carried  away  in  a 
sheet,  and  was  several  weeks  before  he  recovered.  The 
strange  thing  is  that  he  all  the  while  supposed  he  was  danger- 
ously wounded. 

Many  men  escaped  by  a  very  narrow  margin.  Mr.  Gurdon 
Grovenor  lived  at  the  corner  of  Berkley  and  New  Hampshire 
streets.  He  was  standing  on  his  porch  when  one  of  them  rode 
up  within  ten  feet  of  him  and  snapped  his  revolver  in  his  face* 
He  aimed  it  again  and  a  second  time  it  missed  fire.  Just  then 
some  more  of  them  came  up  and  the  leader  compelled  the 
ruffian  to  desist.  He  advised  Mr.  Grovenor  to  keep  out  of 
sight.  That  was  not  an  easy  thing  to  do  as  the  house  was  on 
fire.  But  he  hid  in  the  back  cellar  as  long  as  he  could,  and 
then  kept  in  background  as  much  as  possible. 

General  Lane  was  naturally  in  demand  among  them.      They 

seemed  to  know  he  was  in  town,  and  were  determined  to  get 

him.      General  Lane  also  knew  they  were   in  town  and  were 

looking  for  him.      Before  they  reached  his  house  he  slipped 

out  and  went  into  the  cornfield  just  back  of  his  house.      Lest 

they  should  suspect  this,  he  passed  through  the  field  and  went 

on 

"Over  the  hills  and  far  away." 


230  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

They  were  soon  at  his  door  and  were  met  by  Mrs.  Lane. 
''They  wanted  to  see  the  general."  She  told  them  *'he  was 
not  in."  They  broke  up  his  furniture,  smashed  the  piano,  and 
then  set  the  house  on  fire.  On  leaving  Quantrill  tipped  his 
hat  to  Mrs.  Lane,  and  ''wished  her  to  give  his  compliments  to 
General  Lane  and  tell  him  he  would  have  been  very  glad  to 
meet  him."  Mrs.  Lane  assured  him  that  "Mr.  Lane  would 
be  no  less  glad  to  meet  him  under  different  circumstances,  but 
it  was  not  convenient  that  morning." 

The  number  left  wounded  was  very  small.  In  battle  the 
wounded  outnumber  the  killed  some  three  to  one.  In  this 
slaughter  the  killed  outnumbered  the  wounded  five  to  one. 
Only  about  thirty  were  left  wounded,  while  one  hundred  and 
fifty  were  left  dead.  They  came  to  kill,  not  to  cripple.  Most 
of  those  wounded  were  left  for  dead,  and  lived  either  by  feign- 
ing death,  or  recovering  from  wounds  which  are  usually  fatal. 
They  intended  to  finish  their  work  every  time.  If  the  first 
shot  did  not  do  its  work  a  second  was  fired,  and  sometimes  a 
dozen.  Sometimes  they  returned  and  fired  into  a  heap  of 
dead  bodies,  lest  some  of  them  might  still  be  living.  When- 
ever they  passed  a  body  they  thought  showed  signs  of  life,  they 
would  pour  into  it  some  more  lead.  One  of  the  most  brutal 
features  of  the  whole  affair  was  their  treatment  of  the  wounded. 
They  would  fire  charge  after  charge  into  a  man,  and  return 
again  and  again  till  they  felt  sure  the  work  was  completed. 
In  spite  of  all  this  a  few  of  the  wounded  survived  and  recovered. 
The  few  slightly  wounded  were  those  shot  on  the  run,  or  able 
to  run  before  the  fatal  shot. 

How  long  this  went  on  is  only  a  matter  of  conjecture.  If 
any  man  noted  the  time  of  Quantrill's  coming  or  going,  he  has 
kept  the  matter  a  profound  secret  as  far  as  the  writer  of  this 
has  ever  heard.  A  very  close  estimate  can  be  made,  however. 
When  they  came  in  the  flash  of  the  pistols  could  be  plainly 
seen,   yet  their  dress  and  carriage    could    be    readily    noted. 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  23 1 

At  the  season  of  the  year  this  condition  would  indicate  that  it 
was  not  far  from  five  o'clock.  From  many  circumstances  it  is 
evident  that  they  left  about  nine  o'clock.  This  scene  of 
slaughter  and  burning,  therefore,  went  on  for  four  hours. 
They  took  their  time  to  it  and  did  thorough  work.  During 
these  four  hours  the  work  of  destruction  and  death  went  on 
unchecked.  The  business  street  was  burned  first,  and  then 
the  destruction  was  carried  to  the  furtherest  limits.  Very  few 
houses  were  omitted  except  those  along  the  river  bank,  which 
were  omitted  because  of  the  squad  of  soldiers  across  the  river 
who  kept  firing  at  everyone  who  came  in  sight.  About 
nine  o'clock  they  began  to  leave  all  parts  of  the  town  at  once 
and  to  come  together  at  the  center.  It  is  supposed  they  got 
knowledge  of  the  coming  of  Major  Plumb,  who  was  on  his 
way  from  Kansas  City  with  a  body  of  mounted  troops.  By 
some  concerted  signal  they  were  all  notified,  and  they  left 
their  murdering  and  their  burning  and  came  together,  and  be- 
gan to  move  off  in  a  body.  It  was  not  all  over  yet,  however. 
As  they  were  receding  in  the  south  part  of  town,  one  of  their 
number  not  satisfied  with  his  share  in  the  bloody  work,  gal- 
loped back  to  the  City  hotel  where  -  the  Eldridge  house 
prisoners  had  been  kept.  Thinking  themselves  now  safe  they 
were  out  in  front  of  the  house.  The  brute  galloped  up  and 
fired  several  shots  into  the  crowd,  killing  the  landlord,  Mr. 
Stone,  and  wounding  two  others.  He  then  whirled  his  horse 
and  galloped  back.  He  had  miscalculated  his  chances, 
however.  A  son  of  John  Speer,  two  of  whose  brothers  were 
dead,  had  just  picked  up  a  loaded  rifle  which  one  of  the 
raiders  had  dropped.  Seeing  the  fellow  hurrying  off  he 
leveled  the  gun  and  fired  and  brought  him  to  the  ground. 
This  was  said  to  be  '*  Elder  Scraggs,"  the  hard-shell  preacher, 
who  was  the  hardest  of  all  that  hard  company.  It  was  said 
that  his  motive  in  going  back  was  to  fill  out  his  number. 
*'He  had  killed  twelve  and  he  wanted  to   kill  thirteen."     But 


232  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

SO  many  claimed  the  thirteen  limit  that  the  whole  idea  was 
probably  an  after  invention.  Another  motive  assigned  is  more 
probable.  This  was  that  he  was  dissatisfied  with  Quantrill 
for  keeping  faith  with  the  Eldridge  House  prisoners  and 
protecting  them. 


^  ^ 


JOSIAH    C.     TKASK. 


S.     M.     THORPE. 


gUANTRILL  RAID  VICTIMS  SHOT  DOWN  TOGETHER. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

The  Lawrence  Raid. — The  Departure  and  the  Pursuit. — 
The  Scene  Left  Behind. — The  Burial  of  the  Dead. — 
The  Ruin  and  the  Loss. — Sympathy  and  Help. — Re- 
building the  Town. 

Quantrill  did  not  go  out  by  the  way  he  came  in.  He  came 
in  from  the  east  passing  through  Franklin.  After  four  hours 
of  slaughter  and  burning  they  seemed  to  leave  the  work  in  all 
parts  at  once,  and  come  together  as  by  some  common  signal. 
They  had  become  aware  that  Major  Plumb  was  approaching 
from  the  east  with  a  body  of  troops.  They  could  not  return 
the  way  they  came  without  meeting  him.  To  avoid  this  they 
struck  out  directly  south,  crossing  the  Wakarusa  at  Blanton's 
bridge.  They  kept  up  their  work  of  destruction  as  they  went 
away,  burning  most  of  the  farm  houses  which  they  passed. 
The  farmers  themselves  had  had  warning  and  kept  out  of  their 
way.  The  last  murder  was  one  of  the  most  shocking  of  the 
whole  list.  About  ten  miles  from  Lawrence  they  came  to  the 
house  of  Mr.  Rothrock,  a  Dunkard  preacher.  A  gang  of  them 
turned  aside  at  his  house,  went  in  and  demanded  breakfast. 
The  women  folks  cooked  them  a  good  breakfast  which  they 
eat  with  relish.  Mr.  Rothrock  was  an  old  gentleman,  quiet 
and  peaceable,  and  very  highly  respected  by  his  neighbors. 
He  was  about  the  house  when  they  came  in,  and  having  no  sus- 
picion of  personal  harm,  he  remained  around  while  they  staid. 
After  a  while  they  began  to  inquire  of  the  women  serving 
them,  who  that  old  gentleman  was?  They  told  them  his 
name,  and  said  he  was  a  preacher  among  them.  '*Oh!  we  in- 
tend to  kill  all  the preachers."     With  that  the  fellow 

shot  the   old  gentleman  and  left  him  for  dead.      They  then 
went  out  and  galloped  on  to  overtake  the  main   body.      This 


234  ^    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

was  the  last  of  their  depredations,  for  their  pursuers  soon  after 
overtook  them,  and  they  had  all  they  could  do  to  take  care  of 
themselves. 

As  soon  as  Quantrill  began  to  move  off,  the  men  in  town  be- 
gan to  come  in  from  their  hiding  places,  and  country  people 
began  to  coihe  in  from  outside.  Many  of  these  last  were 
mounted  and  had  guns  of  one  kind  or  another.  As  they  began 
to  gather  on  the  street  corners  wondering  what  to  do.  Senator 
Lane,  or  as  the  boys  called  him,  *'Jim  Lane,"  came  dashing 
down  Henry  street,  shouting,  '*Let  us  follow  them  boys,  let 
us  follow  them."  A  small  company  of  these  mounted  farmers 
soon  gathered  about  him,  and  they  proceeded  by  the  road 
Quantrill  had  taken. 

They  were  enabled  to  follow  the  trail  of  Quantrill's  men  by 
the  burning  houses  along  their  line  of  march.  From  the 
Wakarusa  to  where  they  were  overtaken,  a  line  of  smoking 
ruins  marked  their  track.  The  pursuers  followed  rapidly  and 
overtook  the  rear  guard  of  Quantrill's  force  at  Brooklyn  on 
the  old  Santa  Fe  road,  about  twelve  miles  south  of  Lawrence. 
As  they  came  up  a  gang  of  the  enemy  were  on  the  point  of 
burning  the  house  of  Thadeus  Prentiss.  On  seeing  the  pur- 
suers they  desisted  and  hurried  on.  The  main  body  was  in 
plain  sight  going  along  the  Ft.  Scott  road.  After  this  there 
w^as  no  more  burning.  The  raiders  were  compelled  to  keep 
in  a  compact  body,  and  to  hurry  on  as  fast  as  they  could. 
The  pursuing  force  was  not  suiTficient  to  attack,  but  it  was  suf- 
ficient to  prevent  further  mischief. 

It  is  now  necessary  to  go  back  and  trace  up  another  line  of 
events  connected  with  the  pursuit.  When  Quantrill  crossed 
the  state  line  the  night  before,  he  was  seen  by  the  federal 
pickets  who  reported  his  movements  at  once  to  Captain  J.  A. 
Pike  who  was  in  command  of  a  small  force  at  Aubrey,  some 
eight  or  ten  miles  north.  Quantrill  crossed  the  state  line 
about  five  o'clock,  and  Captain  Pike  received  the  word  about 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  235 

half  past  six.  As  quickly  as  horses  could  be  saddled,  mes- 
sengers were  dispatched  to  headquarters  at  Kansas  City, 
about  thirty  miles  distant.  The  messengers  reached  Kansas 
City  a  little  after  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening.  General  Thomas 
E.  Ewing,  the  commander  of  the  post,  was  at  Leavenworth 
and  the  command  devolved  on  Major  P.  B.  Plumb.  He  got 
together  four  companies  of  mounted  men  and  started  for  Law- 
rence about  midnight.  At  nine  o'clock  the  next  morning  they 
were  twelve  or  fifteen  miles  from  Lawrence.  Quantrill  seems 
to  have  become  aware  of  their  approach,  and  started  off  in 
another  direction  towards  the  south  by  a  route  which  would 
take  him  some  ten  miles  from  Plumb's  line  of  approach. 
Major  Plumb,  however,  soon  learned  of  Quantrill's  change  of 
direction  probably  from  the  smoke  of  burning  houses  which 
marked  his  line  of  departure.  Instead  of  keeping  on  to  Law- 
rence, therefore,  struck  across  the  prairie  towards  the  south 
to  intercept  the  guerrillas  on  their  way. 

The  Lawrence  pursuers  meanwhile  were  at  Brooklyn,  with 
the  main  body  of  Quantrill's  men  in  full  view  on  the  prairie. 
Here  Lane  halted,  lined  up  his  men  and  counted  off.  He  had 
thirty-five  men.  He  sent  a  messenger  back  to  Lawrence  to 
say  that  ''they  had  overtaken  them,  and  for  all  citizens  to 
come  forward  as  fast  as  possible."  He  then  placed  Lieuten- 
ant John  K.  Rankin,  who  had  joined  them  about  a  mile  south 
of  Lawrence,  in  command  of  the  company.  He  said  it  would 
be  madness  for  this  handful  of  farmers  to  attack  the  main 
body  of  Quantrill's  men  on  the  open  prairie.  He  said:  ''We 
will  march  on  their  left  flank  towards  Prairie  City,  and  try  and 
join  the  militia  there."  After  proceeding  a  mile  or  two,  they 
were  met  by  Mr.  George  Wood,  of  Black  Jack,  who  came 
dashing  up  on  horseback.  After  saluting,  he  said  to  Senator 
Lane:  "  Major  Plumb  is  over  there  with  two  hundred  and 
fifty  men."  On  looking  in  the  direction  Wood  pointed 
Plumb's   men  were  in   plain   sight  about  half   a  mile  to   the 


236  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

east.  Senator  Lane  replied:  ^'Tell  Major  Plumb,  Quantrill 
is  just  on  the  other  side  of  this  cornfield.  We  will  attack  him 
at  once.  Tell  him  to  come  forward  as  quickly  as  possible." 
As  soon  as  the  messenger  had  wheeled  about  and  was  returning 
to  Major  Plumb,  Senator  Lane  ordered  Lieutenant  Rankin  to 
charge  upon  the  enemy  who  were  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
cornfield  on  the  Ft.  Scott  road,  moving  at  a  brisk  pace.  Lieu- 
tenant Rankin  ordered  a  charge  and  they  all  dashed  forward. 
Rankin's  company  had  other  weak  points  besides  its  small 
numbers.  They  were  mounted  on  all  sorts  of  steeds,  and 
armed  with  all  sorts  of  w'eapons.  There  were  saddle  horses 
of  fair  speed,  dray  horses,  mules  and  colts.  Lieutenant  Ran- 
kin rode  a  fiery  steed  who  dashed  ahead  at  a  breakneck  pace. 
The  rest  followed  each  in  his  own  gait.  Before  he  had  gone 
half  a  mile  Lieutenant  Rankin  looked  about  and  found  he  was 
all  alone.  The  rest  were  straggling  along  behind  him  fof  half 
the  distance  he  had  come.  As  soon  as  he  could  bring  his  own 
fierce  charger  to  a  halt,  he  turned  about.  He  concluded  that 
no  very  effective  charge  could  be  made  with  the  force  at  his 
disposal.  While  he  was  awaiting  the  coming  up  of  his  men, 
two  companies  of  Major  Plumb's  force  passed  him  on  the 
gallop,  and  disappeared  down  a  lane  leading  to  the  road  on 
which  Quantrill  was  marching.  He  saw  it  would  be  impossi- 
ble to  bring  his  straggling  band  into  the  impending  fight.  He 
ordered  one  of  those  who  came  up  to  him  to  remain,  and  have 
the  men  come  forward  as  fast  as  their  promiscous  mounts 
would  permit.  He  then  galloped  after  the  two  companies  who 
had  just  passed  him.  As  he  passed  out  of  the  lane  he  came 
upon  side-saddles,  bolts  of  calico  and  other  goods  which  Quan- 
trill's  men  had  dropped  of  their  plunder,  in  their  hasty  flight.  It 
seems  Plumb  had  divided  his  force  into  two  parts,  one  to  join 
Lane  and  attack  the  enemy  in  the  rear,  while  he  led  the  other 
part  to  the  left  by  the  way  of  Prairie  City  to  protect  that  town, 
and  head  off  Quantrill  in  that  direction.      Lieutenant  Rankin 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.       .      237 

came  up  with  the  first  body  just  as  the  officer  in  command  of  the 
advance  company  had  ordered  a  charge.  This  company  was 
deployed  as  skirmishers  while  the  other  moved  in  column. 
They  charged  rapidly  down  the  road,  and  were  soon  on  Quan- 
trill's  rear  guard,  which  they  pressed  closely  till  they  reached 
the  farm  of  Josiah  Fletcher.  Here  a  cornfield  stood  across  the 
old  prairie  road,  and  a  new  road  had  been  broken  around  the 
field  to  the  right.  Quantrill's  men  went  round  the  field  by 
this  new  road,  followed  closely  by  the  skirmishers.  Lieuten- 
ant Rankin  knew  that  the  road  bore  to  the  east  beyond  the  field, 
and  he  suggested  to  the  officer  in  command  of  the  company 
in  column,  that  if  they  would  go  up  through  Fletcher's  corn- 
field, they  would  come  upon  the  enemy's  flank  as  they  were 
passing  along  south  of  the  field."  The  suggestion  was  adopted, 
and  the  company  dashed  through  the  corn.  When  they  came 
to  the  fence  on  the  other  side  of  the  field,  they  saw  Quantrill's 
men  draw  up  in  line,  a  little  distance  in  advance,  at  the  mouth 
of  a  lane.  Senator  Lane  now  came  up  and  he  and  Lieu- 
tenant Rankin  shouted  to  the  men:  ''Throw  the  fence  and 
charge;  throw  the  fence  and  charge."  They  themselves 
leaped  from  their  horses  and  began  throwing  the  fence.  Just 
then  the  officer  in  command  of  the  company  shouted:  ''Dis- 
mount boys,  and  give  them  a  round  or  two  with  your  Burnsides 
at  three  hundred  yards."  The  order  was  promptly  obeyed.  As 
soon  as  the  men  began  to  dismount  and  prepare  to  fire,  Quan- 
trill's men  answered  with  a  shout  and  came  swooping  down 
upon  them,  yelling  and  shooting  as  they  came.  The  horses 
of  the  union  men  stampeded,  the  line  gave  wa}^,  and  the  com- 
pany fell  back  to  the  other  side  of  the  field.  Lane  and  Ran- 
kin urged  the  officer  to  remount  his  men,  and  attack  them 
again.  By  the  time  the  men  were  remounted.  Major  Plumb  came 
up  with  the  other  two  companies,  and  the  whole  body  moved 
forward  together.  When  they  again  reached  the  other  side 
of  the  field,  they  found  that  Quantrill  had  taken  advantage  of 


238  '  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

the  delay  and  was  rapidly  moving  on,  his  heavily  laden  horses 
in  the  advance,  while  his  fighting  men  were  in  the  rear  ready 
to  charge  back  whenever  the  pursuit  became  too  close.  In 
this  skirmish  the  troops  fired  a  round  or  two,  and  Quantrill's 
men  fired  a  large  number  of  shots,  but  no  one  seems  to  have 
been  hurt.  The  Lawrence  part  of  the  pursuit  ceased  here, 
and  the  military  took  full  charge.  This  was  about  one  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon.  They  follow^ed  all  the  rest  of  the  day,  till 
night  overtook  them  not  far  from  Paola.  Both  parties  halted 
with  the  darkness.  But  Quantrill's  men  disappeared  in  the 
night  and  escaped  to  their  hiding  places,  leaving  their  pur- 
suers in  full  possession  of  the  open  prairie. 

If  it  seem  incredible  that  three  hundred  armed  desperadoes 
should  be  able  to  pass  over  forty  miles  of  Kansas  territory  by 
night,  and  pounce  upon  a  town  like  Lawrence  without  warn- 
ing at  day-break,  it  seems  even  more  incredible  that  the  same 
men,  having  accomplished  their  purpose,  destroyed  the  town 
and  murdered  its  people,  should  be  able  to  march  leisurely 
back  over  fifty  miles  of  the  same  territory,  with  two  hundred 
and  fifty  mounted  troops  following  closely  on  their  heels. 
Nothing  seemed  lacking  to  make  the  calamity  as  great  and  the 
humiliation  as  complete  as  it  could  be.  Lawrence  was  struck 
down  without  being  able  to  strike  a  blow,  and  her  destroyers 
escaped  almost  without  the  loss  of  a  man. 

The  scene  the  raiders  left  behind  them  was  sad  and  sicken- 
ing. The  buildings  on  Massachusetts  street  were  all  burned 
except  one,  and  that  had  been  ransacked  and  robbed,  and  two 
boys  lay  dead  upon  the  floor.  The  fires  were  still  glowing  in 
the  cellars.  The  brick  and  stone  walls  were  still  standing 
bare  and  blackened.  The  cellars  between  looked  like  great 
caverns  with  furnaces  glowing  in  the  depths.  The  dead  lay 
all  along  the  street,  some  of  them  so  charred  that  they  could 
not  be  recognized,  and  could  scarcely  be  taken  up.  Here  and 
there  among  the  embers  could  be  seen  the  bones  of  those  who 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  239 

had  perished  in  the  buildings  and  been  consumed  where  they 
fell.  About  the  ruins  of  the  Republican  printing  office  might 
be  seen  the  editor,  John  Speer,  raking  among  the  embers  in 
the  cellar  searching  for  the  bones  of  his  boy.  One  of  his  boys 
was  dead,  another  could  not  be  found.  He  had  slept,  as  his 
father  supposed,  in  the  printing  office  up-stairs  in  the  north- 
east corner.  The  father  thought  he  must  have  perished  where 
he  lay,  and  searched  for  him  under  where  he  knew  his  bed 
had  been.  But  he  could  find  no  signs  of  the  body,  and  no 
signs  of  the  boy  were  ever  found.  As  one  passed  along  the 
street,  the  sickening  odor  of  burning  flesh  was  oppressive. 
Sights  of  horror  met  him  at  every  turn.  Around  one  corner 
lay  seventeen  bodies.  Back  of  a  livery  stable  on  Henry  street 
lay  five  bodies  piled  in  a  heap.  Going  over  the  town  one  saw 
the  dead  everywhere,  on  the  sidewalks,  in  the  streets,  among 
the  weeds  in  the  gardens,  and  in  the  few  remaining  hornes. 
The  women  were  going  about  carrying  water  to  the  wounded, 
and  covering  the  dead  with  sheets.  To  protect  the  wounded 
from  the  burning  sun,  they  sometimes  spread  an  umbrella 
over  them,  and  sometimes  made  a  canopy  with  a  sheet  or  a 
shawl.  The  men  were  hurrying  about  gathering  up  the  dead, 
and  hearing  them  to  the  old  Methodist  church  on  Vermont 
street,  which  was  taken  as  a  sort  of  morgue.  Now  and  then 
one  came  across  a  group,  a  mother  and  her  children  watching 
their  dead  beside  the  ashes  of  their  home.  A  little  later  there 
could  be  seen  a  woman  sitting  among  the  ashes  of  a  building, 
holding  in  her  hands  a  blackened  skull,  fondling  it  and 
kissing  it,  and  crying  piteously  over  it.  It  was  the  skull  of 
her  husband,  who  was  burned  with  the  building.  But  there 
was  not  much  weeping  and  not  much  wailing.  It  was  beyond 
all  that.  It  was  too  deep  and  serious  for  tears  or  lamenta- 
tions. All  addressed  themselves  to  the  sad  work  that  had  to 
be  done. 

No  one  realized  the  extent  of  the  disaster  until  it  was  over. 


240  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

Every  man  was  so  isolated  by  the  presence  of  the  raiders  in 
every  part  of  the  town,  that  each  knew  only  what  he  saw. 
The  magnitude  of  the  disaster  was  beyond  the  wildest  thought 
of  even  those  who  were  in  the  midst  of  it.  Almost  everyone 
was  startled  when  the  extent  of  the  affair  began  to  reveal  it- 
self. Besides  the  buildings  on  the  business  street,  about  one 
hundred  houses  had  been  burned,  and  probably  as  many  more 
had  been  set  on  fire  and  saved  by  the  heroic  exertions  of  the 
women.  Most  of  the  houses  not  burned  were  robbed.  Every 
house  had  its  tale  of  horror  or  of  a  marvelous  escape.  So 
many  were  dead  that  the  first  salutation  on  meeting  an  old 
friend  was,  "Why,  are  you  alive?"  Every  living  man  seemed 
to  have  come  up  from  the  dead. 

The  burial  of  the  dead  began  at  once  and  continued  till  all 
were  laid  away.  There  w^ere  no  coffins  to  be  had.  There 
was  lumber  in  some  of  the  yards,  and  among  the  ruins  of  the 
hardware  stores  was  found  an  abundance  of  burnt  nails  which 
were  made  to  serve.  Many  carpenters  had  been  killed,  and 
most  of  those  who  remained  had  lost  their  tools.  But  they 
managed  to  get  tools  enough  to  cut  up  the  boards  that  re- 
mained in  the  lumber  yards,  and  they  fastened  the  boards  to- 
gether into  boxes  with  the  burnt  nails  they  gathered  out  of 
the  fires  in  the  cellars.  Many  had  to  be  buried  without  the 
formality  of  even  a  box.  Fifty-three  were  laid  side  by  side  in 
one  long  trench.  A  record  was  kept  and  the  bodies  could  be 
identified  by  their  numbers,  whenever  the  name  was  known. 
Most  of  the  dead  were  buried  in  the  cemetery  on  the  hill  west 
of  town.  But  many  were  buried  in  private  3^ards  with  the 
thought  of  removing  them  later  on.  The  work  of  burying  oc- 
cupied several  days,  and  it  was  at  least  a  week  before  it  was 
all  done.  Not  much  else  was  done  or  thought  of  until  this  first 
work  was  over.  It  was  at  least  a  week  before  all  the  dead 
were  found.  The  remains  of  Mr.  E.  P.  Fitch,  for  example, 
who  was  consumed  with  his  home,  were  not  found  for  several 


R.   C.   DIX, 

First  Blacksmith  and  Carriage  Mfg. 


E.   A.   SMITH, 

Casliier  First  Bank  of  Issue  in  State. 


REV.  JOHN    S.   BROWN, 

Early  Pastor  Unitarian  Cliurch. 


C.    S.    DUNCAN, 

General  Merchant. 


EARLY  KANSAS  SETTLERS 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  24I 

days,  though  diligent  search  was  made.  At  last  a  young  lady 
who  was  living  with  the  family  discovered  them.  She  had 
been  going  to  the  ruins  every  day  to  search  for  them.  The 
family  did  not  know  what  she  went  for.  They  only  noticed 
that  she  came  in  weeping  every  time  she  returned.  One 
day  she  found  the  charred  bones  among  the  hot  ashes.  She 
got  down  into  the  cellar  and  took  them  out  with  her  hands 
one  by  one,  and  tenderly  laid  them  together.  They  were  so 
hot  that  her  hands  were  all  burned  and  blistered  when  her 
sad  work  was  done.  Thus  they  kept  finding  the  dead  for 
several  days.  Some  that  were  missing  were  never  found,  and 
possibly  some  were  killed  of  whom  no  one  knew. 

Religious  services  were  held  for  the  dead  whenever  this 
was  possible.  Sometimes  it  was  in  the  homes,  sometimes  on 
the  street  corner,  and  sometimes  beside  the  grave  in  the  cem- 
etery. When  the  fifty-three  were  laid  in  one  long  trench,  the 
minister  stood  at  the  head  of  the  trench  and  offered  a  prayer. 
It  was  a  week  of  almost  uninterrupted  funeral  services.  The 
whole  population  were  engaged  in  burying  the  dead.  Little 
else  could  be  done  and  little  else  could  be  thought  of. 

The  Sabbath  after  the  raid  a  service  was  held  in  the  old 
stone  Congregational  church.  There  was  a  large  congrega- 
tion, mostly  women  and  children.  They  were  most  of  them 
dressed  in  the  clothes  they  hastily  put  on  the  morning  of  the 
raid.  Not  many  saved  anything  else.  The  men  were  in  their 
working  clothes.  Some  of  them  were  in  their  shirt  sleeves, 
not  having  saved  even  a  coat.  The  women  came,  some  in 
sunbonnets,  some  in  hoods,  some  with  handkerchiefs  or  shawls 
over  their  heads.  It  deepened  the  impressiveness  of  the  scene 
to  remember  that  a  large  portion  of  the  women  and  children, 
were  newly  made  widows  and  orphans.  Rev.  G.  C.  Morse, 
of  Emporia,  brother-in-law  of  Judge  Carpenter,  who  was 
killed,  assisted  the  pastor  in  the  service.  There  were  no  re- 
marks made,  for  no  one  felt  like  talking.     There  was  simply 

16 


242 


A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 


a  Psalm  read  and  a  prayer  offered,  and  the  congregation  dis- 
missed. The  Psalm  read  was  the  seventy-ninth,  which 
seemed  to  have  been  written  for  the  occasion:  ^'O  God,  the 
heathen  are  come  into  thine  inheritance.  They  have  laid 
Jerusalem  in  heaps.  The  dead  bodies  of  thy  servants  have 
they  given  to  be  meat  unto  the  fowls  of  the  heaven,  and  the 
flesh  of  thy  saints  unto  the  beasts  of  the  earth.  Their  blood 
have  shed  they  like  water  round  about  Jerusalem,  and  there 
was  none  to  bury  them." 

No  complete  list  of  the  dead  has  ever  been  made  out. 
"Many  bodies  had  to  be  buried  among  the  ''unknown  dead." 
Some  who  were  known  were  not  reported.  In  the  shock  and 
confusion  of  the  hour,  no  systematic  record  was  kept  even  of 
names  that  could  then  have  been  obtained.  A  little  later 
when  an  attempt  was  made  to  do  this,  there  had  been  so  many 
changes  and  so  many  of  the  broken  families  had  moved  away, 
that  it  was  only  possible  to  make  out  a  partial  list  of  names. 

The  first  list  below  contains  the  names  of  the  seventeen  re- 
cruits for  the  Kansas  Fourteenth  who  were  shot  at  the  first 
charge.  They  were  under  the  command  of  Second  Lieuten- 
ant L.  J.  Beam,  who  had  gone  to  Leavenworth  on  business  the 
day  before.  They  had  been  recruited  but  a  short  time.  They 
had  drawn  clothing,  camp  equipage  and  tents,  but  had  not  been 
mustered  in  nor  armed.  They  were  dressed  in  United  States 
clothing  the  morning  of  the  raid.  But  for  this  distinctive 
mark  they  probably  would  have  fared  better.  They  were  just 
rising  as  the  charge  was  made,  and  only  five  of  the  twenty- 
two  made  their  escape.  Lieutenant  Beam  always  regretted 
that  he  was  not  with  them,  as  he  thought  he  might  have  done 
something  towards  organizing  them  for  defense.  After  the 
raid  Lieutenant  Beam  rapidly  recruited  another  lot  of  men, 
and  went  into  the  Kansas  Fifteenth  with  the  same  rank,  second 
lieutenant,  but  was  promoted  until  he  became  major  of  the 
regiment. 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION, 


243 


The  second  list  contains  the  names  of  citizens  killed,  as  far 
as  now  known. 

Names  of  seventeen  recruits  killed  from  a  total  of  twenty- 
two: 
Anderson,  C. 


Allen,  Charles  R. 
Cooper,  James  F. 
Green,  John  R. 
Griswold,  Walter  B. 
Halderman,  Aaron 
Markle,  David 
Markle,  Lewis 
Markle,  Samuel 


Parker,  Asbury 
Parker,  Isaac 
Riggs,  Charles  F. 
Speer,  Robert 
Watson,  John 
Waugh,  William  A. 
Wilson,  James 
Woods,  Andrew 


Albach,  George 

Allen,  E. 

Alwes,  — 

Anderson,  John 

Allison,  D.  C. 

Argel,  — 

Allen,  Clay  (col.) 

Bell,  Capt.  Geo.  W. 

Bowers,  Samuel 

Brechtlesbauer,  James 

Brant,  — 

Burt,  George 

Burns,  Dennis, 

Burns,   Michael, 

Carpenter,  Judge  Louis 

Coates,  George 

CoUamore,  Gen.  George  W. 

Crane,  John  L. 

Cloud,  Charles 

Cooper,  James, 


NAMES    OF    CITIZENS    KILLED: 

Coleman,  L.  D. 
Cornell,  — 
Dix,  Ralph  C. 
Dix,  Stephen  H. 
Dyre,  Uncle  Frank 
Dulinsky,  Sylvester 
Ehles,  August 
Eldridge,  James 
Ellis,  —(col.) 
Evans,  John 
Engler,  Carl 
Englesman,   — 
Fitch,  Edward  P. 
Fillmore,  Lemuel 
Frawley,  John 
Frank,  Joseph 
Fritch.  S.  H. 
Giebal,  Anthony 
Gentry,  — 
Green,  John 


244 


A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 


Gates,  Levi 
Gill,  John 
Griswold,  Dr.  J.  F. 
Griswold,  Abner 
Griswold,  Watt 
Gregg,  — 
Hendrix,  — 
Hay,  Chester 

H ,  Cal 

Holmes,  Nathan 
Johnson.  M. 
Johnson,  Ben 
Jones,  Samuel 
Kimball,  Fred 
Keefe,  Pat. 
Klaus,  William 
Klaus,  Fred 
Kleffer,  W.  M.  R. 
Lawrie,  John 
Lawrie,  William 
Leonard,  Christopher 
Lambert,  — 
Little,  John" 
Limboch,  Henry 
Laner,   Christian 
Longley,  Otis 
Loomis,  Rich. 
Lowe,  Joseph 

McClellan,  

McFadden,  J. 
Martin,  R. 
Murphy,   Dennis 
Makin,  Michael 

Martha,  

Meeky,  M. 


McFarland,  — 
Nathan,  W. 

Oldham,  Anthony  (col.) 
Oehrle,  — 
O'Neil,  James 
Palmer,  Charles 
Palmer,  Daniel  W. 
Ferine,  James 
Pope,   George 
Pollock,  J. 
Purington,  David  H. 
Roach,  — 
Reedmiller,  A. 
Reynolds,  Samuel 
Range,  George 
Range,  Samuel 
Speer,  John  M. 
Snyder,  Rev.  S.  S. 
Stew^art,    Henry 
Smith,  Charles 
Schwab,  John 
Sanger,  George  H. 
Sargeant,  G.  H. 
Stonestreet,  Benj. 
Stone,  Nathan 
Swan,  L.  L. 
Thorpe,  S.  M. 
Trask,  Josiah  C. 
Turk,  — 
Wise,  Louis 
Williamson,  W.  T. 
Zimmerman,  John 
Wood,  James 
Waugh,  Addison 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  245 

The  number  of  men  with  Quantrill  has  been  variously  esti- 
mated. Some  have  placed  it  as  high  as  six  hundred,  and 
some  as  low  as  one  hundred  and  seventy-five.  The  first  num- 
ber is  altogether  too  high,  and  the  second  is  altogether  too 
low.  There  is  no  reason  to  question  the  substantial  accuracy 
of  the  statement  at  the  beginning  of  this  account,  that  two 
hundred  and  ninety-four  answered  to  the  roll  call  at  Lone 
Jack  before  starting.  While  in  Lawrence  some  of  the  raiders 
were  free  to  talk  of  themselves.  These  said  they  had  something 
over  three  hundred  men.  When  they  charged  into  town  they 
passed  within  three  hundred  yards  of  the  writer  of  this  sketch, 
and  he  saw  the  whole  body  pass  from  his  windovv'.  They 
seemed  a  long  time  passing,  and  there  could  not  have  been 
less  than  three  hundred.  They  were  counted  two  or  three 
times  on  the  way  by  persons  who  saw  them  pass  along  the 
road.  All  these  testimonies  concur  in  making  the  number  of 
the  raiders  about  three  hundred. 

As  may  well  be  supposed,  the  raiders  differed  very  much  in 
their  spirit.  Some  were  like  fiends  incarnate.  No  tales  of 
savage  warfare  could  surpass  their  barbarity.  Others  again 
were  as  humane  as  men  well  could  be  who  came  on  such  an 
errand.  They  would  allow  the  women  to  get  out  the  furniture 
before  they  burned  the  houses,  in  some  cases  even  helping 
them  to  lift  heavy  articles.  They  sometimes  expressed  regret 
at  the  necessity  of  burning  the  houses;  they  were  under 
orders.  Some  even  advised  men  to  keep  out  of  the  way.  A 
young  man  who  talked  with  Mrs.  Gurdon  Grovenor  said  he 
had  never  intended  to  take  part  in  such  a  scene  as  this  had 
proved  to  be.  ''They  told  me  they  were  only  coming  up  to 
recover  some  stolen  horses.  I  have  not  killed  a  man  nor 
burnt  a  house  yet,  and  I  do  not  mean  to."  But  the  more 
humane  sentiment  of  the  few  did  not  change  the  general 
result  very  much.  In  all  mobs  the  worst  men  give  tone  to 
the  whole  affair.      If  a  more  moderate  set  spared  a  house,  a 


246  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

more  violent  set  would  come  next  and  burn  it.  But  in  judg- 
ing of  the  raiders  we  must  not  assume  that  they  were  all  fiends 
alike,  or  that  they  all  assented  to  what  the  worst  men  did. 

The  number  killed  can  never  be  exactly  known.  As  nearly 
as  could  be  ascertained  there  were  one  hundred  and  forty-two. 
This  included  the  missing  who  never  returned,  two  or  three. 
A  few  of  the  wounded  died  later,  and  possibly  some  were 
killed  who  were  never  heard  of.  One  hundred  and  fifty  would 
not  be  far  out  of  the  way  for  the  whole  number.  Then  there 
were  about  thirty  wounded.  It  was  estimated  that  the  raid 
made  eighty  widows  and  two  hundred  and  fifty  orphans. 

The  amount  of  property  destroyed  is  still  more  difficult  to 
estimate.  There  were  about  seventy-five  buildings  burned  on 
the  business  street,  and  all  their  contents  destroyed  or  stolen. 
There  were  about  one  hundred  dwelling  houses  burned,  and 
most  of  those  not  burned  were  ransacked  and  robbed,  and 
many  of  them  partially  burned.  Then  most  of  the  women 
had  their  money,  jewelry,  watches,  etc.,  taken  from  them. 
Mrs.  F.  W.  Read  who  so  heroically  saved  her  house  had  to 
give  them  the  bracelets  of  her  little  girl  who  was  dead.  She 
begged  to  be  allowed  to  keep  them,  but  they  said  ''her  dead 
baby  would  not  need  them  anymore."  There  was  not  much 
left  in  Lawrence  when  their  work  w^as  done.  There  was  one 
double  store  standing,  but  the  goods  were  gone,  and  tw^o 
clerks  lay  dead  on  the  floor;  a  few  houses  remained  unburned, 
but  bare;  the  women  and  children  were  alive,  but  robbed  of 
all  their  money  and  valuables;  possibly  half  the  men  were  still 
living,  but  in  hiding,  and  glad  to  escape  with  their  lives. 
This  was  about  the  condition  of  things.  As  careful  an  esti- 
mate as  could  be  made  placed  the  loss  at  about  one  million 
and  a  half  of  dollars.  Two-thirds  of  the  people  had  no  homes, 
not  many  of  the  men  had  a  complete  suit  of  clothes,  few  had 
any  money.  There  were  no  clothes  in  town  to  be  bought 
and  there  were  only  four  sacks  of  flour  for  sale. 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION. 


247 


But  what  did  the  people  do?  The  spirit  of  humanity  which 
always  asserts  itself  at  such  a  time,  had  full  play.  Those  who 
had  houses  shared  them  with  those  who  were  homeless,  and 
those  who  had  bread  shared  it  with  those  who  had  none.  But 
this  would  not  have  sufficed.  There  were  probably  not  pro- 
visions enough  in  the  whole  town  to  supply  the  people  forty- 
eight  hours.  But  before  the  first  day  was  over,  the  kind- 
hearted  farmers  from  all  around  drove  in  with  wagon  loads  of 
vegetables,  and  such  things  as  they  had,  and  dealt  them  out 
freely  to  all  who  needed.  The  neighboring  towns,  Leaven- 
worth, Wyandotte,  Topeka  and  other  places,  hurried  off 
wagon  loads  of  provisions  and  clothing  and  all  things  needed 
by  their  stricken  neighbors.  As  the  news  spread  the  circle  of 
sympathy  extended,  and  help  poured  in  from  distant  parts, 
and  all  who  needed  were  supplied.  In  the  more  distant 
places,  this  sympathy  expressed  itself  in  more  substantial 
help,  giving  assistance  in  re-building.  The  friends  in  St. 
Louis,  for  example,  raised  a  fund  of  some  ten  thousand  dol- 
lars, and  put  into  the  hands  of  the  city  to  be  loaned  without 
interest  to  parties  desiring  to  build.  When  the  money  was 
repaid  the  city  was  to  hold  it  for  an  educational  fund,  and  it 
was  afterwards  turned  over  to  the  State  University. 

For  some  days  after  the  raid  not  much  thought  was  given 
to  the  future.  The  terrible  present  occupied  all  hearts  and 
hands.  The  dead  must  be  buried,  the  wounded  cared  for, 
and  the  immediate  necessities  of  life  secured.  Fully  half  the 
remaining  population  were  homeless,  ^nd  many  who  saved 
their  homes  lost  everything  else.  There  was  a  general  spirit 
of  accommodation,  and  it  came  very  near  to  the  condition  of 
''having  all  thing  common."  Those  who  had  shared  with 
those  who  had  not.  Every  house  that  remained  did  its  ut- 
most to  meet  the  pressing  need  for  shelter.  Many  families 
were  reduced  to  narrow  quarters  and  short  rations,  but  none 
suffered  from  want.      Many    who    had    lived    in    comfortable 


248  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

homes  were  glad  to  secure  one  or  two  small  rooms  in  which 
to  begin  again  their  home  life.  Small  rooms,  however,  were 
usually  ample  for  all  the  household  effects,  and  small  as  they 
were  they  often  seemed  bare  with  their  very  scanty  furniture. 
If  people  had  to  move,  as  was  often  the  case,  it  was  a  small 
matter.  A  man  with  a  wheelbarrow  could  transfer  them  from 
one  house  to  another  in  an  hour  or  so.  The  houses  were  some- 
times very  full,  and  the  supplies  sometimes  rather  scant,  but 
no  one  was  left  unsheltered,  and  no  one  was  allowed  to  go 
hungry.  Many  had  lost  most  of  their  clothing,  and  those  who 
had  two  coats  divided  w^ith  those  who  had  none,  and  all  were 
comfortably,  if  not  fashionably  clad. 

But  the  future  was  coming  right  along,  and  must  be  faced. 
^'What  shall  we  do,"  was  a  question  that  must  be  met.  ''The 
birds  of  ill  omen"  were  in  "high  feather,"  and  their  croaking 
filled  the  air.  ''Lawrence  had  received  its  deathblow, "  "the 
rebels  had  burned  it  once  and  they  would  do  it  again."  "It 
was  folly  to  attempt  to  rebuild  the  town."  In  addition  to  this 
there  was  a  constant  sense  of  exposure  and  peril.  That  three 
hundred  men  could  come  fifty  miles  in  the  night,  and  pounce 
upon  them  without  a  whisper  of  warning,  was  a  revelation  to  the 
people.  They  had  assured  themselves  so  many  times  that  such 
a  thing  could  not  be  done.  There  was  no  guessing  what  might 
come  next.  Frequent  alarm  kept  them  in  a  quiver.  They  had 
had  alarms  before  and  had  treated  them  as  idle  tales.  They 
could  not  do  so  any  more.  The  wildest  alarm  occurred  on  Sun- 
day evening  the  seconS  day  after  the  raid.  A  farmer  two  or 
three  miles  below  the  town  had  been  burning  some  straw.  Some 
one  on  the  hills  some  distance  away  seeing  the  flame,  mounted 
his  horse  and  galloped  into  town,  screaming  at  the  top  of  his 
voice:  "They  are  coming  again,  they  are  coming  again;  run 
for  your  lives,  run  for  your  lives."  He  that  heard  ran  and 
hollowed.  The  report  spread  like  wild-fire,  and  in  a  few 
minutes  men,  women  and  children  were  wildly  running  down 


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■S*E 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  249 

the  different  streets  towards  the  river,  uttering  the  most  pierc- 
ing screams  as  they  ran.  The  impression  was  that  the  enemy 
was  right  upon  them.  Some  recovered  themselves  from  the 
panic  in  a  few  minutes,  and  a  hundred  or  more  men  were  soon 
assembled  in  the  center  of  the  town,  and  the  guns  from  the 
armory  were  given  out  to  them.  They  sent  out  scouts  to  learn 
the  origin  of  the  alarm,  and  they  very  soon  ascertained  the 
state  of  affairs.  But  most  of  those  who  ran  did  not  turn  back 
to  learn  the  contradiction  of  the  report.  They  kept  on  till 
they  found  a  hiding  place.  Some  crossed  the  river,  and  some 
hid  themselves  in  the  cornfields  outside  the  town.  A  cold 
drizzly  rain  set  in  during  the  night,  and  many  of  the  fugitives 
remained  out  till  midnight.  Some  few  women  as  well  as  men 
remained  out  all  night  in  the  cold  rain,  fancying  the  town  was 
being  sacked  again.  The  horror  of  that  Sunday  night  was  in 
some  respects  worse  than  the  raid  itself.  At  the  raid  there 
was  no  panic  and  no  outcry.  Everybody  was  calm  and  quiet. 
There  had  been  no  warning  and  there  was  no  escape.  But 
this  night  alarm  gave  room  for  the  wildest  imaginations  and 
the  most  exaggerated  fears.  It  unnerved  the  bravest  with  its 
undefined  dread.  In  some  respects;  panic  is  worse  than  peril. 
People  who  passed  through  the  raid  without  flinching,  were 
utterly  unstrung  and  demoralized  by  this  Sunday  night  panic. 
But  in  spite  of  fears  and  perils  and  pains,  the  courageous 
spirit  continually  gained  ground.  The  better  sentiment  of 
the  people  never  settled  upon  but  one  conclusion.  Lawrence 
must  be  rebuilt  at  all  hazzards,  and  rebuilt  at  once.  More 
and  more  the  people  began  to  insist  that  every  house  must  be 
replaced,  and  every  business  block  renewed.  This  became 
the  dominant  thought,  and  in  an  incredibly  short  time  it  be- 
gan to  take  form.  They  had  not  been  able  to  save  Lawrence 
from  destruction,  but  they  must  put  her  back  as  she  was. 
Before  the  fires  were  out  they  began  to  lay  plans  for  rebuild- 
ing.     One  of  the  first  to  begin  to  build  was  the  grocery  firm 


250  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

of  Ridenour  &  Baker.  They  had  lost  their  building  and  a 
heavy  stock  of  goods.  Mr.  Ridenour's  home  was  burned  and 
all  in  it.  Mr.  Baker  was  so  severely  wounded  that  he  lay 
lingering  between  life  and  death.  In  spite  of  all  this,  work 
w^as  commenced  on  a  new  building,  and  business  resumed  in 
a  small  way,  before  a  week  had  passed.  In  clearing  away 
the  ruins,  the  barrows  blazed  with  the  live  embers  as  the  work- 
men wheeled  them  out  from  the  old  cellar.  In  the  line  of 
unconquerable  pluck  the  equal  of  this  would  be  hard  to  find. 
Simpson  brothers,  bankers,  lost  everything  except  their  safe. 
This  the  raiders  were  not  able  to  open  or  demolish,  and  it 
stood  the  fire  without  damage.  With  what  remained  in  the 
safe  the  firm  resumed  business  at  once,  and  began  rebuilding. 
Inside  the  old  walls  they  built  a  cheap  structure  of  wood, 
which  could  be  thrown  together  in  a  couple  of  days.  Then 
they  put  in  the  foundation  and  reared  the  building  of  brick 
around  and  over  their  temporary  shelter.  W.  E.  Sutliff  had 
built  up  a  very  extensive  clothing  business.  He  had  a  large 
stock  of  goods,  he  lost  everything  but  his  home,  and  had  to 
begin  again  as  he  began  six  years  before.  But  he  at  once 
erected  a  better  building,  filled  it  with  a  better  stock  of  goods, 
and  prepared  to  do  a  larger  business.  B.  W.  Woodward  lost 
building  and  goods.  But  he  at  once  selected  a  better  site, 
erected  a  handsomer  building,  and  put  in  a  larger  stock  of 
drugs.  J.  G.  Sands  had  a  large  harness  establishment.  It 
was  all  consumed.  He  at  once  replaced  his  wooden  store 
with  one  of  brick  and  stone,  and  filled  it  better  than  before. 
For  years  his  advertisement  told  his  history  in  a  sentence: 
''Established  in  1855;  stood  the  drought  in  i860;  totally  de- 
stroyed in  1863;  defies  all  competition  in  1864."  This  surely 
was  making  one's  misfortunes  serve  as  aid  to  success.  Lor- 
ing  Guild  &  Son  lost  store  and  home.  The  father  was  away. 
When  the  raiders  entered  the  son,  E.  B.  Guild,  who  was  a 
member  of  the  guard,  seized  his  musket  and  started  out,  but 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  25 1 

saw  the  town  was  in  their  hands,  and  he  could  do  no  more  than 
save  himself.  Mrs.  Guild  remained  at  home  and  saw  the 
house  burned,  but  saved  most  of  the  furniture.  They  rebuilt 
and  restocked  their  store  and  resumed  business  at  once. 

These  are  but  samples  of  the  whole  community.  The  sen- 
timent for  rebuilding  was  universal.  Everybody  said:  ''We 
must  put  Lawrence  right  back  better  than  she  was."  The 
restoring  of  Lawrence  became  a  sort  of  religious  obligation. 
It  was  a  matter  of  conscience  with  them  that  they  should  all 
stand  by  the  town.  There  were  business  reasons,  too,  for 
immediate  restoration.  They  who  rebuilt  and  resumed  at 
once  would  retain  their  trade,  and  in  many  cases  that  was  a 
fortune,  and  in  all  cases  a  promise.  In  a  few  week  the  work 
of  rebuilding  was  going  on  all  along  the  business  street,  and  all 
over  town.  Before  winter  came  Lawrence  began  to  look  like 
a  town  again.  A  number  of  buildings  were  completed  that 
autumn,  and  a  still  larger  number  were  well  under  way.  In 
almost  every  instance  the  new  buildings  were  better  than  the 
old,  and  the  stocks  of  goods  larger  than  before. 

But  all  the  while  they  were  rebuilding  the  town  they  were 
compelled  to  defend  it.  Every  man  took  his  turn  on  guard, 
and  stood  ready  at  a  moment's  notice  to  rally  to  the  defense 
of  the  place.  Rumors  of  danger  were  constantly  coming,  and 
no  rumor  was  so  idle  that  the  people  could  afford  to  ignore  it. 
Thus  like  the  Jews  of  old  did  these  men  work,  "every  one 
with  one  of  his  hands  wrought  in  the  work,  and  with  the  other 
he  held  a  weapon."  In  a  few  weeks  however,  they  were  par- 
tially relieved.  The  military  authorities  sent  two  companies 
of  United  States  troops  to  protect  the  town,  and  the}^  remained 
until  the  close  of  the  war.  They  threw  up  earthworks  and 
built  a  stockade  on  the  point  of  the  hill  southeast  of  the  uni- 
versity, and  planted  two  or  three  cannon  there.  This  over- 
looked the  whole  Wakarusa  valley,  and  would  be  an  effective 
defense  against  any  force   coming  in   that   direction.      These 


252  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

troops  were  under  the  command  of  Major  E.  G.  Ross,  after- 
wards United  States  senator,  and  still  later  governor  of  New 
Mexico.  The  soldiers  were  received  with  great  delight,  and 
nothing  was  too  good  for  them.  Major  Ross,  who  was  a  very 
genial  gentleman,  soon  became  the  most  popular  man  in  town. 
The  people  now  felt  comfortably  secure.  They  knew  there 
would  always  be  a  reliable  picket  guard  out  every  night,  and 
that  it  would  be  impossible  to  surprise  them  again.  As  winter 
came  on  the  sense  of  security  became  still  stronger,  as  guer- 
rilla operations  had  to  be  suspended  as  soon  as  the  leaves  fell 
from  the  trees  and  exposed  the  hiding  places.  By  spring  the 
usual  tone  had  been  restored,  and  affairs  went  on  as  before. 
Building  continued,  new  men  and  new  capital  came  in,  and 
Lawrence  bid  fair  to  out-do  her  former  self. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Another  Summer. — Lawrence  Restored. — Improvements. — 
The  New  Bridge. — Enlargement. — New  Alarms. — 
Price  Is  Coming. — Preparations  for  Defense. — Martial 
Law. — Militia  Ordered  Out. — The  Battles  of  thr 
Blue. — A  Night  of  Anxiety. — ''Joy  Cometh  in  the 
Morning." — The  War  Is  Over. — Peace  at  Last. 

The  winter  of  1863  and  '4  was  a  severe  one.  In  spite  of  all 
that  had  been  done,  many  of  the  people  of  Lawrence  were  as 
illy  prepared  to  meet  its  severity  as  were  the  early  settlers  of 
1855.  In  families  accustomed  to  every  comfort,  the  supply  of 
clothing  and  bedding  was  very  scant,  and  people  accustomed 
to  spacious  and  comfortable  homes,  were  compelled  to  live  in 
very  contracted  quarters.  They  were  glad  to  find  shelter  in 
single  rooms,  in  garrets  and  basements,  or  unfurnished  houses 
wherever  they  could  find  cover.  The  writer  of  this  was  per- 
haps a  fair  example  of  the  more  fortunate  of  those  who  lost 
everything.  He  secured  one  small  room  and  little  half  story 
garret,  and  thought  himself  very  fortunate.  About  Christmas 
he  was  compelled  to  leave  these  quarters  and  take  a  single 
room.  He  made  the  change  while  the  thermometer  registered 
ten  degrees  below  zero.  But  fortunately  his  household  effects 
were  so  few  that  a  single  man  with  a  wheelbarrow  made  the 
transfer  in  a  couple  of  hours,  and  he  was  established  in  his 
new  quarters  in  a  single  afternoon.  This  room  was  so  cold 
that  they  were  compelled  to  hang  quilts  around  the  stove  in 
the  coldest  weather  to  shut  in  a  little  space  where  they  could 
be  comfortable.  Even  this  shelter  they  had  to  leave  early  in 
the  spring,  and  find  other  accommodations.  When  spring 
came  building  was  resumed  and  everybody  was  busy  repair- 
ing losses  and  restoring  what  had  been  destroyed. 


254  ^    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

With  the  spring,  however,  there  came  a  renewal  of  the 
alarms  of  the  year  before.  The  people  was  kept  constantly 
on  the  alert.  The  bushwhackers  returned  with  the  returning 
leaves,  and  rumors  of  their  coming  were  frequent.  It  was  not 
as  easy  to  enter  Kansas  as  it  had  been.  The  union  soldiers 
had  learned  the  bushwhackers'  tactics,  and  could  follow 
wherever  they  could  flee.  They  knew  their  hiding  places,  and 
they  could  dash  around  among  the  rocks  and  through  the 
thickets,  as  well  as  those  who  had  been  born  and  bred  in  the 
jungle.  Besides  this,  General  Ewing's  famous  "Order  No. 
II"  had  stripped  the  border  counties  of  Missouri  of  supplies, 
so  that  the  bushwhackers  were  compelled  to  find  their  hiding 
places  and  their  maintainance  thirty  miles  farther  back  from 
the  Kansas  border.  As  a  result  of  all  this,  Kansas  was  not 
much  disturbed  during  the  summer  of  1864.  The  bush- 
whackers continued  their  depredations,  however,  on  union 
men  in  Missouri,  and  on  isolated  bodies  of  union  troops. 
Some  of  the  most  tragic  scenes  of  the  war  were  enacted  in 
Missouri  during  this  summer.  Quantrill  disappeared  from 
the  scene  early  in  the  season,  but  his  successor.  Bill  Ander- 
son, though  not  fully  equal  to  Quantrill  in  skill  or  courage, 
far  surpassed  him  in  cold-blooded  brutality.  What  was 
known  as  the  '^Centralia  massacre,"  wh^re  twenty-four  sick 
and  wounded  soldiers  were  taken  from  a  railway  train  which 
was  bearing  them  to  their  homes,  and  were  all  shot  in  cold 
blood,  is  only  a  fair  sample  of  his  work.  But  he  never  came 
into  Kansas  after  the  raid  at  Lawrence. 

But  these  operations  in  Missouri  were  too  near  to  leave  the 
people  of  Lawrence  entirely  at  their  ease.  Rumors  were  thick 
and  the  people  were  peculiarly  sensitive  to  them.  Their  ex- 
perience had  made  them  sensitive.  All  the  guerrilla  move- 
ments in  Missouri  had  their  effect  in  Lawrence,  for  no  one 
knew  how  soon  they  might  turn  their  attention  that  way. 
Reports  of  the  coming  of  some  foe  were  frequent,  and  it  was 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF  THE    REBELLION.  255 

no  uncommon  thing  for  all  the  people  to  be  called  out  at  mid- 
night by  some  alarming  story.  The  report  that  alarmed  them 
at  night  was  always  found  to  be  false  in  the  morning,  but  so 
had  all  reports  that  preceded  the  raid.  They  reasoned  from 
this.  A  score  of  rumors  might  prove  false  but  the  next  might 
be  true.  Rumors  meant  more  to  them  than  before,  and  they 
were  not  disposed  to  treat  lightly  even  the  more  unlikely  re- 
ports. The  slightest  alarm  would  bring  all  the  people  to 
their  windows.  The  firing  of  a  gun  at  night,  or  the  galloping 
of  a  horseman  through  the  streets,  would  bring  all  the  men  to 
their  places  of  rendezvous  in  a  very  few  minutes.  Any  un- 
usual noise  at  night  would  startle  the  whole  town.  One  night 
for  example,  the  whistle  of  one  of  the  mills  kept  sounding  an 
unaccountably  long  time.  It  was  about  one  o'clock  at  night, 
but  it  awakened  the  whole  town,  and  in  a  few  minutes, 
men  with  their  rifles  were  running  from  all  directions  towards 
the  mill.  It  was  found  that  the  machinery  was  out  of  order 
and  the  whistle  could  not  be  stopped.  They  all  laughed  at 
each  other  as  they  turned  homeward,  but  they  were  just  as 
ready  to  rally  at  the  next  alarm. 

The  men  were  organized  into  military  companies,  and  had 
regular  times  for  drill.  There  were  five  companies,  one  of 
which  was  composed  of  men  beyond  the  age  of  military  ser- 
vice. They  were  called  the  ''Silver  Grays."  The  state 
furnished  the  arms,  but  one  rifle  company  armed  themselves 
with  the  best  repeating  rifles.  This  company  was  composed 
mostly  of  business  and  professional  men.  The  city  built  five 
block  houses  at  the  different  points  of  approach,  and  each 
company  was  given  charge  of  one  of  these  block  houses. 
Each  company  was  divided  into  sections,  and  one  of  these 
sections  slept  in  the  block  house  every  night.  There  were, 
therefore,  always  fifty  men  or  more  ready  for  immediate  ser- 
vice. These  were  intended  as  a  nucleus  around  which  the 
rest  could  rally  as  they  came.      The  rifle  company  occupied 


256  ^  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

the  block  house  at  the  crossing  of  Massachusetts  and  Berkley 
streets,  and  was  on  the  line  of  Quantrill's  approach. 

In  the  midst  of  all  these  alarms  and  all  this  military  demon- 
strations, building  went  steadily  on.  The  business  street  was 
built  up  again  almost  solid,  and  many  of  the  houses  were  re- 
stored, and  new  houses  were  erected.  Many  improvements 
were  made.  The  Lawrence  Bridge  company  had  been  incor- 
porated in  1859.  It  was  organized  with  Carmi  W.  Babcock 
as  president;  Josiah  Miller,  treasurer;  and  E.  D.  Thompson, 
as  secretary.  They  began  to  build  the  bridge  in  1863,  and 
had  the  work  well  under  way  when  Quantrill  came.  In  the 
raid  one  sub-contractor,  and  seven  workmen  were  killed,  and 
a  large  amount  of  material  destroyed.  The  company,  how- 
ever, resumed  work  very  soon,  and  the  bridge  was  opened  for 
travel  at  the  beginning  of  1864.  The  structure  cost  about 
$40,000.  For  many  years  it  was  the  only  bridge  across  the 
Kansas  river  except  at  its  mouth,  and  it  drew  to  itself  an  im- 
mense amount  of  travel.  It  proved  to  be  a  very  profitable  in- 
vestment for  the  company. 

The  first  railroad,  too,  was  built  to  Lawrence  this  year. 
The  Union  Pacific  railroad  began  work  on  its  Kansas  line  at 
Kansas  City  in  1864,  and  by  September  of  that  year  the  rails 
were  laid  as  far  as  Lawrence,  though  regular  trains  did  not 
run  till  several  months  later. 

The  school  board  also  had  plans  to  build  a  school  house. 
The  site  was  selected,  money  arranged  for,  and  plans  agreed 
upon.  On  account  of  the  troubles  in  the  autumn  the  matter 
lay  over  another  year.  It  seems  a  little  singular  that  a  people 
as  much  interested  in  education  as  those  of  Lawrence  should 
be  ten  years  without  a  school  house.  The  delay  is  easily  un- 
derstood by  those  familiar  with  the  disturbed  condition  of  af- 
fairs. This  delay  in  building  did  not  indicate  any  lack  of 
interest  in  schools.  Whittier  knew  his  men  when  he  sang: 
"  We  go  to  plant  the  common  school 
On  distant  prairie  swells." 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  257 

The  first  settlers  of  Lawrence  opened  a  free  school  before 
many  of  them  had  a  roof  over  their  heads.      At  first  the  school 
was  supported  by  private  subscriptions,  and  made  free  to  all 
who  would  come.      As  the   place  grew,  citizens  met  and  ap- 
pointed   a    committee    on  schools.      Dr.    S.    B.    Prentiss  was 
chairman  of  this  committee.      He  was  a  ''southern  man  with 
northern  principles."     He  came  from  Georgia  but  was  an  ar- 
dent free-state  man.      He  held  several  positions  and  did  valu- 
able-service for  the  free-state  cause.      He  was  a  very  calm, 
soft-spoken  man,  but  full  of  purpose  and  persistence.      In  the 
matter  of  schools  he  was  simply  chairman  of  a  voluntary  com- 
mittee, but  he  went  to  work  as  zealously  as  if  he  had  been  a 
public  officer  with  a  good  salary.      In   1857  the  Quincy  high 
school  was  opened  in  the  basement  rooms  of  the  Unitarian 
church,    which    had  been  arranged  with  that  in  view.      Mr. 
Charles  L.  Edwards  was  principal.      He  was  assisted  by  Miss 
Lucy  M.  Wilder,  Miss  Sarah  A.  Brown,  Miss  Lizzie  P.  Has- 
kell and  Miss  Isabella  G.  Oakley.     This  school  acquired  quite 
a  reputation,   and  there  went  out  from  it  many  students  who 
have  made  their  mark  in  Kansas  history.      The  next  year  the 
city  government  was  organized  and  the  schools  came  under 
the  control  of  a  board  of  school  trustees  of  which  Dr.  Albert 
Newman  was  secretary.      The  next  year  Mr.  Edwards  became 
county  superintendent  and  Mr.    C.   W.  Adams  succeeded  as 
principal  of  the  high  school.     A  year  later  Mr.  Adams  entered 
the    army  and  served  as  a  colonel  to  the  close  of  the  war. 
Then  came  S.  M.  Thorpe,  a  graduate  of  Union  college.  New 
York,    a  fine  scholar,   a  poet  and  a  wit.      He  was  a  man  of 
chivalrous  spirit,  with  a  large  intellect  and  a  large  heart.     He 
was  cultured,   bright  and  breezy,   and  filled  all  his  scholars 
with  his  own  enthusiastic  spirit.      After  two  years  of  teaching 
he  was  chosen  to  the  state  senate,  and  was  a  candidate  for 
state  superintendent  of  instructions  at  the  time  of  his  death. 
Right   at   the  beginning  of  his  career,  he  was    treacherously 


258  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

murdered  by  Quantrill's  ruffians.  As  soon  as  could  be  after 
the  raid,  the  schools  were  reorganized.  Mrs.  Mary  Carpenter, 
the  wife  of  Judge  Carpenter  who  was  so  brutally  murdered  by 
Quantrill,  was  principal  of  the  high  school  for  a  number  of 
years.  She  was  a  woman  of  remarkably  strong  character  and 
a.  very  highly  accomplished  teacher.  The  other  teachers  also 
were  no  less  efficient  in  the  work  assigned  them.  The  need 
-of  better  accommodations  was  everywhere  felt.  The  schools 
were  kept  in  rented  rooms  wherever  these  could  be  found,  the 
high  school  being  in  the  basement  of  the  Unitarian  church. 
The  school  board,  therefore,  pressed  the  matter  of  building. 
They  wanted  to  build  three  buildings  in  different  sections  of 
the  town.  But  for  economy's  sake  the  city  council  decided  to 
erect  one  central  building  first.  The  plans  for  this  were 
matured  when  the  disturbances  of  the  autumn  put  an  end  to 
all  plans  except  those  pertaining  to  the  public  safety. 

In  the  midst  of  all  this  progress,  and  just  as  the  people  were 
becoming  accustomed  to  the  new  order  of  things,  and  were 
feeling  fairly  comfortable  in  their  security,  a  new  peril  loomed 
up  in  the  distance.  This  was  the  approach  of  General  Sterl- 
ing Price,  with  an  army  of  some  twenty  thousand  men. 
Rumors  of  his  coming  were  heard  as  early  as  August.  Price 
was  in  Arkansas  gathering  supplies  and  evidently  intending 
some  forward  movement.  Just  what  he  was  intending  to  do 
nobody  knew.  It  might  be  to  ''redeem  Missouri,"  or  it  might 
be  to  ''chastise  Kansas."  In  either  case  Kansas  would  be  in- 
volved. General  Price  was  a  citizen  of  Missouri,  and  had 
been  held  in  high  esteem.  He  had  served  as  a  general  of 
volunteers  in  the  Mexican  war,  and  had  won  some  distinction. 
He  had  been  governor  of  Missouri,  and  when  the  rebellion 
broke  out  he  was  in  the  confidence  of  Governor  Claiborne  F. 
Jackson.  He  was  an  advocate  of  secession,  and  he  and 
Governor  Jackson  did  all  in  their  power  to  swing  Missouri  into 
the  confederate  column.     They  were  defeated  by  the  prompt 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  259 

action  of  Captain  Lyon,  who  was  in  command  of  the  union 
forces  at  St.  Louis.  The  governor  and  his  major  general  were 
both  compelled  to  flee  the  state.  General  Price  had  tried 
several  times  to  return  and  ''redeem  Missouri,"  as  he  called 
it,  from  the  grasp  of  the  union  forces.  He  now  had  an  army 
of  some  twenty  thousand  veteran  troops,  and  was  evidently 
coming  into  Missouri,  or  into  Kansas,  or  both. 

These  undefined  rumors  had  more  effect  in  Lawrence  than 
anywhere  else.  The  people  of  Lawrence  had  had  an  object 
lesson,  and  knew  what  a  rebel  invasion  meant.  It  was  not 
supposed  that  General  Price  would  repeat  the  barbarities  of 
Quantrill.  He  was  a  general  in  the  regular  confederate  ser- 
vice, and  an  honorable  soldier.  But  his  coming  would  be  a 
signal  for  all  the  guerrillas  in  Missouri  to  pour  over  into  Kan- 
sas. While  Price  himself  would  be  governed  by  the  usual 
rules  of  war,  he  would  have  with  him  several  thousand  bush- 
whackers over  whom  he  would  have  no  control,  and  could 
exercise  no  restraint.  As  Price  lingered  and  hovered,  there- 
fore, the  Lawrence  people  watched  his  movements  with  ner- 
vous anxiety. 

The  latter  part  of  September  Price  began  to  move  north- 
ward, but  deflected  towards  the  east.  He  captured  Pilot 
Knob,  the  garrison  escaping,  and  then  moved  towards  St. 
Louis.  After  threatening  St.  Louis  a  while,  he  turned  west- 
ward and  besieged  Jefferson  City,  the  capital  of  the  state. 
Without  any  serious  attempt  to  capture  the  place,  however, 
he  raised  the  siege  on  the  eighth  day  of  October  and  marched 
still  westward  with  his  whole  force.  There  was  no  longer  any 
doubt  as  to  his  intention.  He  was  coming  to  Kansas  to  chas- 
tise her  for  the  part  she  had  taken  in  the  struggle.  Lawrence 
was  in  his  direct  line  of  march,  and  must  be  included  in  his 
plan.  There  was  no  time  to  lose,  for  a  very  few  days  would 
bring  Price  to  their  doors.  The  governor  issued  a  proclama- 
tion the  very  day  Price  left  Jefferson  City,  calling  out  the 
entire  militia  of  the  state,  and  putting  the  whole  state  under 


26o  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

martial  law.  The  proclamation  was  sent  by  special  messen- 
gers to  all  parts  of  the  state,  and  in  four  days  sixteen  thous- 
and men  had  responded,  and  over  ten  thousand  militia  were 
on  the  border  ready  to  meet  Price.  General  Curtis  had  some 
three  thousand  regular  troops  at  Kansas  City,  and  nineteen  or 
twenty  pieces  of  artillery.  This  was  not  a  very  strong  force 
to  withstand  the  onset  of  twenty  thousand  veterans  well  sup- 
plied with  cannon. 

The  news  of  the  governor's  proclamation  reached  Lawrence 
Sunday  noon,  October  9th.  It  met  the  people  at  the  close  of 
morning  service  in  the  churches.  All  further  services  for  the 
day  were  suspended,  and  one  thought  occupied  all  minds. 
Monday  morning  the  military  companies  were  ordered  to  as- 
semble on  the  open  space  just  west  of  town.  Every  man  was 
ordered  to  come  with  arms  and  ammunition  and  whatever  was 
needed  for  the  march  and  the  camp.  The  five  Lawrence  com- 
panies responded  promptly,  and  were  mustered  into  the  ser- 
vice of  the  United  States. 

The  governor's  proclamation  made  no  exceptions.  ''Every 
man  from  sixteen  to  sixty"  was  ordered  out.  And  there  no 
shrinking.  It  was  not  a  mere  matter  of  patriotism  or  state 
pride,  but  every  man  had  a  personal  interest  in  the  issue. 
Price  must  be  beaten  or  Kansas  desolated.  The  ranks  of  the 
militia  companies  were  full.  Everybody  came,  and  came 
promptly.  There  were  merchants  and  ministers,  lawyers  and 
doctors,  laboring  men  and  men  of  leisure,  all  shouldering 
their  muskets  and  taking  their  places  in  the  ranks.  No  one 
asked  to  be  excused  no  matter  what  his  emergency  might  be. 
For  the  public  emergency  overtowered  all  private  considera- 
tions. One  young  man,  a  banker,  had  his  wedding  day  set 
for  the  second  da}''  after  the  general  rally.  But  even  the  old 
Jewish  exemption  did  not  avail,  and  he  was  mustered  in  with 
his  company  and  marched  to  the  front  leaving  his  expectant 

bride  to  wait 

"Till  the  cruel  war  was  o'er." 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  261 

Price,  however,  very  kindly  delayed  his  coming,  and  on  Wed- 
nesday the  young  man  secured  a  furlough,  came  home  and 
was  married  at  the  appointed  time,  and  returned  to  camp. 
There  was  no  distinction  or  class  or  condition.  Solon  O. 
Thacher  had  been  judge  of  the  district  court,  and  was  at  this 
time  a  candidate  for  governor  of  the  state,  to  be  voted  on  in 
a  few  days.  But  he  went  with  the  militia  to  the  front,  and 
took  his  place  in  the  ranks  with  the   rest. 

And  they  rallied  from  all  quarters.  Not  only  from  Law- 
rence, but  from  the  country  round  about  they  came.  Some  of 
the  companies  from  the  country  joined  with  those  from  town, 
and  others  marched  from  more  convenient  points.  What' was 
true  about  Lawrence  was  true  all  over  the  state.  So  general 
was  the  response  that  a  man  coming  seventy-five  miles  through 
the  country  a  few  days  later,  saw  only  two  men  in  the  whole 
distance,  and  they  were  too  old  to  be  of  service.  Had  all  the 
Lawrence  companies  been  marched  away,  there  would  hardly 
been  a  score  of  men  left  in  the  town. 

After  the  formalities  of  the  muster,  and  an  inspection  of 
arms  by  the  officers,  the  men  were  ordered  to  fall  in  line,  and 
prepare  to  march.  The  Lawrence  companies  contained  about 
four  hundred  men.  About  ten  o'clock  everything  was  ready, 
and  they  were  ordered  to  march.  They  went  first  to  town, 
then  down  Massachusetts  street,  and  then  eastward  towards 
Kansas  City.  There  had  been  no  hint  thus  far  that  any  would 
be  left  in  Lawrence,  and  all  alike  prepared  for  the  march  and 
camp  and  were  expecting  to  go  to  the  front.  But  as  they 
were  marching  down  Massachusetts  street,  the  rifle  company 
and  one  other,  were  cut  off  from  the  column,  and  taken  to 
their  block  houses.  These  were  to  remain  for  the  defense  of 
the  town.  The  other  three  companies  went  on  to  Kansas 
City,  and  remained  in  camp  till  the  end  of  the  campaign. 
The  Lawrence  brass  band,  which  dated  back  to  the  earliest 
settlement,  went  with  the  Kansas  City  contingent,  and  en- 
livened the  camp  with  their  music. 


262  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

In  the  meantime  nothing  could  be  heard  of  Price  or  his 
army.  He  had  left  Jefferson  City  on  the  eighth,  and  moved 
westward.  Since  then  he  had  given  no  sound  or  sign.  His 
army  lay  somewhere  in  the  great  bend  of  the  Missouri  river 
near  Boonville,  but  just  where  he  was,  or  what  he  was  doing, 
or  what  he  intended  to  do,  were  mysteries  nobody  could  solve. 
For  nearly  two  weeks  his  movements  were  involved  thus  in 
mystery,  and  all  inquiry  seemed  to  be  baffled.  Some  few  began 
to  look  upon  the  whole  thing  as  a  gigantic  hoax,  practiced  on 
them  for  some  political  purpose.  But  a  more  common  feeling 
was  that  Price  and  his  army  were  quietly  slipping  away,  and 
that  nothing  would  come  of  the  Price  invasion.  It  was  a 
common  remark  that  we  should  hear  no  more  about  Price. 
The  militia  at  Kansas  City  became  restless,  wanted  ''to  go 
home  and  attend  to  their  fall  plowing."  Some  even  went  so 
far  as  to  complain  that  the  governor  had  been  hasty  in  calling 
out  the  militia,  that  there  really  had  never  been  any  danger  of 
Price  coming  into  Kansas.  Most  of  them,  however,  took  it 
all  good-naturedly,  and  got  what  they  could  out  of  the  experi- 
ence. It  gave  them  a  little  taste  of  real  military  life,  and 
some  little  experience  in  military  drill.  They  were  sworn  in- 
to the  United  States  service  and  subject  to  all  the  rules  of 
military  discipline,  and  a  good  many  of  the  discomforts  of 
camp  life. 

Lawrence  was  forty  miles  from  what  was  called  the  "seat 
of  war,"  but  felt  as  intensely  as  if  she  had  been  in  the  focus  of 
it.  All  business  was  suspended,  and  all  work  laid  aside,  and 
just  one  thing  occupied  everyone's  thought.  The  companies 
remaining  at  Lawrence  were  required  to  be  ''in  camp"  just  as 
much  as  if  they  had  been  at  the  front,  only  their  block  houses 
served  for  camps.  They  drew  rations  like  regular  soldiers, 
and  became  familiar  with  government  bacon  and  split  peas. 
Old  government  Java  was  kept  boiling  in  the  camp  kettle, 
and  if  it  was  not  always  clear,  it  was  always  strong  and  hot. 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  263 

Guard  duty  was  exacted  as  regularly  as  of  veterans,  and  every 
belated  traveler  coming  into  town  was  compelled  to  "dis- 
mount, advance  three  paces  and  give  the  countersign,"  or  in 
default,  to  be  presented  to  the  ''officer  of  the  guard."  They 
had  frequent  drills,  and  were  put  through  all  the  ordinary 
military  evolutions,  and  were  acquiring  something  of  a 
soldierly  step.  Frequent  target  shootings  developed  their 
proficiency  as  marksmen.  To  most  of  them  the  handling  of 
arms  was  no  new  experience.  They  were  somewhat  of  an 
awkward  squad  in  the  manual,  but  when  it  came  to  shooting 
they  were  at  home.  *'An  October  freeze"  added  to  the 
variety  of  their  life,  if  not  to  its  comfort.  One  night  two  or 
three  inches  of. snow  fell,  and  these  soldiers  ''pro  tem,"  found 
themselves  covered  with  an  extra  blanket  in  the  morning,  not 
provided  for  in  the  regulations.  The  block  houses  were  built 
to  keep  out  bullets.  They  were  not  proof  against  snow  flakes. 
"The  cold  snap"  continued  two  or  three  days,  and  part  of 
the  time  it  was  quite  severe.  But  this  only  added  the  spice 
of  variety  to  their  monotonous  life  as  they  were  "waiting  for 
Price." 

The  "boys"  as  usual  managed  to  get  some  fun  out  of  the 
affair,  grim  and  wearisome  as  it  was.  The  most  important 
practical  joke  was  the  "trial  of  Dr.  Leiby."  Dr.  Leiby  was 
an  eccentric  old  gentlemen  quite  independent  in  his  ways. 
He  was  placed  on  guard  one  day,  and  was  to  be  releived  at 
five  o'clock.  It  was  arranged  that  the  relief  should  be  a  trifle 
late.  When  the  hour  came  the  doctor  considered  his  time  up, 
and  went  home.  "The  relief"  coming  up  a  moment  later 
found  the  post  deserted.  The  matter  was  reported  and  a  de- 
tail sent  to  Dr.  Leiby's  house  to  arrest  him  for  deserting  his 
post.  Under  martial  law  this  was  a  serious  charge,  and  the 
doctor  at  first  was  very  much  alarmed.  A  court  martial  was 
organized  and  he  was  put  on  trial.  But  the  doctor  was 
shrewd  and  soon  saw  by  the  way  things  went  on,  that  it  was 


264  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

a  ''put  up  job."  He  entered  into  the  joke  as  heartily  as  any 
of  them,  and  rather  spoiled  the  fun  for  ''the  boys." 

In  spite  of  all  these  diversions  and  variations,  the  time 
dragged  heavily.  Shut  in  as  they  were  they  knew  little  of  what 
was  going  on  below.  They  had  nothing  to  do  but  to  drill  and  to 
shoot,  and  eat  and  stand  guard.  Much  as  they  dreaded  Price's 
coming  they  almost  began  to  dread  longer  delay  as  much. 
They  began  to  think  anything  would  be  a  relief  from  the 
monotony.  It  had  almost  ceased  to  be  a  suspense,  for  the 
feeling  became  common  that  Price  would  disappear  and  the 
whole  thing  would  end  and  their  soldier  life  be  recalled  as  a 
huge  joke.  The  prevalent  hope  was,  that  whatever  Price  was 
going  to  do,  he  would  do  it  quickly  and  let  it  be  over. 

About  October  20th,  Price  was  "found."  The  advance 
guard  of  the  union  army  met  him  near  Lexington  marching 
rapidly  westward  in  full  force.  The  next  day,  Friday,  he  came 
up  to  the  line  of  the  Blue  river,  the  union  advance  retiring  as 
he  came,  but  contesting  stubbornly  every  inch  of  ground. 
Saturda}^,  October  22nd,  he  made  an  advance  along  the  whole 
line  of  the  Blue,  forcing  the  union  troops  back  at  every  point. 
In  the  afternoon  he  was  practically  master  of  the  field.  The 
union  troops  were  being  forced  in  upon  Kansas  City,  and  it 
seemed  as  if  they  could  do  little  more  than  concentrate  and 
defend  that  post.  Two  regiments  of  militia  were  ordered  to 
march  to  Lawrence  that  night,  to  aid  in  its  defence.  It  seemed 
as  if  there  was  nothing  which  could  hinder  Price's  army  from 
sweeping  over  Kansas.  About  five  o'clock  there  came  a  turn  in 
affairs  which  meant  as  much  to  Kansas  as  the  coming  of  Blucher 
meant  to  the  English  at  Waterloo.  In  a  speech  before  the 
old  soldiers  a  -few  months  ago.  Judge  Solon  O.  Thacher  de- 
scribed this  scene  in  very  vivid  colors:  "About  five  o'clock 
Saturday  afternoon,  October  22nd,  1864,  I  was  standing  w^ith 
some  of  the  officers  of  the  union  army  on  a  high  knoll  near 
Kansas  City,   looking  over  the  field.      Our  boys  were  every- 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  265 

where  fighting  bravely,  but  along  the  whole  line  they  were 
being  slowly  pressed  back  by  Price's  men.  He  would  soon 
be  in  position  to  detach  a  body  of  his  troops  to  over  run  Kan- 
sas. We  all  knew  what  that  meant,  home  and  all  we  held 
dear  would  soon  be  at  the  mercy  of  this  conquering  army. 
Looking  eastward  at  this  moment  we  saw  a  great  cloud  of 
dust  rising  a  few  miles  below  Kansas  City.  We  could  only 
see  it  was  moving  our  way,  and  we  were  sure  it  was  a  body  of 
troops.  Who  could  it  be?  Was  it  reinforcements  for  Price 
to  complete  his  victory  and  our  desolation,  or  was  it  Pleasan- 
ton's  cavalr};^  coming  to  our  relief?  We  watched  the  cloud  of 
dust  anxiously  as  it  moved  rapidly  up  the  river.  After  a  little 
they  came  up  to  the  rear  of  the  rebel  army.  Then  as  we 
watched  anxiously  we  saw  them  charge  upon  the  rebel  lines. 
We  now  knew  it  was  Pleasanton  with  his  five  thousand 
veteran  cavalry,  and  the  fortunes  of  battle  were  changed." 
It  proved  to  be  General  Pleasanton  with  five  thousand  fresh 
troops  who  had  been  following  from  below  ever  since  Price 
had  left  Jefferson  City.  They  soon  broke  through  the  rebel 
lines  and  joined  the  union  forces  in  front. 

Before  night  the  rebel  advance  was  checked.  The  next 
morning  the  union  forces  renewed  the  battle  at  the  earliest 
dawn,   and  Price  was  driven  towards  Arkansas. 

At  Lawrence  the  people  were  in  a  state  of  anxious  suspense 
all  this  time.  There  were  in  the  town  two  companies  of  regu- 
lars and  two  companies  of  militia,  probably  about  three  hun- 
dred men.  These  would  make  but  a  feeble  stand  against  any 
such  force  as  Price  would  be  likely  to  send.  Defeat  at  Kan- 
sas City  meant  the  destruction  of  Lawrence  the  second  time. 
On  Saturday,  as  the  news  kept  coming  of  the  rebel  advance 
and  of  rebel  successes,  the  people  began  to  prepare  for  the 
worst.  A  large  train  of  empty  government  wagons  happened 
just  then  to  pass  through  the  town,  and  the  merchants  per- 
suaded those  in  charge  to  load  them  with  goods.     Clothing  and 


266  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

dry  goods  and  other  merchandise  were  packed  into  these 
wagons,  and  the  officers  requested  to  keep  them  out  of  Price's 
hands.  Families  also  filled  trunks  and  boxes  with  clothing  and 
sent  them  out  into  the  country.  Many  people  buried  their  valu- 
ables in  the  yard.  They  thus  hoped  to  save  something  if  the 
town  were  burned  again.  The  men  were  mostly  relieved  from 
duty  Saturday  afternoon,  that  they  might  look  after  their 
goods  and  their  homes,  and  put  things  in  as  good  a  shape  as 
possible  in  case  an  attack  should  be  made.  It  seemed  quite 
probable  the  town  would  be  attacked  before  morning.  There 
was  no  panic  and  no  excitement.  The  women  as  well  as  the 
men  went  cooly  to  work  to  prepare  for  the  worst.  At  sun- 
down the  men  came  together  again  at  the  block  houses  ready 
for  the  duties  of  the  night.  Orders  were  given  that  the  men 
should  sleep  on  their  arms,  that  the  fires  and  lights  should  all 
be  put  out  at  nine  o'clock,  and  that  there  should  be  no  loud 
talking.  The  coming  of  General  Pleasanton  and  the  turning 
of  the  tide  of  battle  at  Kansas  City  were  not  known  in  Law- 
rence till  the  next  morning.  They  had  simply  heard  that  the 
union  troops  had  been  forced  back  and  flanked,  and  that  no 
obstruction  lay  between  Price's  army  and  Lawrence.  A  few 
hours  would  suffice  to  bring  the  enemy  upon  them.  There 
was  not  much  sleep  in  the  block  houses  that  night,  and  pre- 
sumably not  much  in  the  homes  where  the  situation  was  fully 
understood.  All  night  long  stragglers  were  coming  up  from 
the  battle  field  below.  They  each  told  a  doleful  tale  inspired 
by  their  fears  more  than  by  the  facts.  According  to  these  re- 
ports the  union  forces  had  been  completely  flanked,  and  Price 
was  at  liberty  to  go  where  he  pleased.  At  three  o'clock  the 
whole  force  was  ordered  out  and  marched  around  for  an  hour 
or  two,  in  consequence  of  some  reports  received  at  head- 
quarters, that  the  enemy  was  within  a  few  hours  march  of  the 
town.  As  there  was  no  confirmation  of  the  report,  the  men 
were  permitted  to  lie  down  again    and  rest  till  morning.      It 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    REBELLION.  267 

was  a  night  long  to  be  remembered,  a  night  of  undefined  fears, 
and  of  gloomy  reports.  It  was  all  the  more  gloomy  from  the 
fact  that  no  reliable  information  could  be  obtained.  Rumors 
were  thick,  but  they  could  be  neither  confirmed  nor  refuted. 
It  was  a  glorious  night  for  the  croakers.  They  had  things 
pretty  much  their  own  way.  They  exaggerated  every  rumor 
and  expatiated  on  every  fear.  The  utter  uncertainty  of  the 
situation  added  to  the  gloom.  They  might  be  attacked  in  an 
hour,  or  they  might  not  be  attacked  at  all.  They  might  be 
attacked  by  five  hundred  men  against  whom  there  would  be 
some  hope  of  success,  or  they  might  be  attacked  by  five 
thousand  men  against  whom  resistance  would  be  madness. 
Everybody,  however,  kept  his  place,  and  there  was  a  general 
determination  to  await  the  event,  and  to  do  the  best  they 
could  in  whatever  situation  the  future  might  reveal. 

In  the  morning  the  prospect  very  much  brightened.  There 
was  no  news,  but  there  was  no  foe  in  sight  and  none  to  be 
heard  of.  Daylight  dissipated  the  uncertainties  of  the  night. 
The  predictions  and  fears  of  the  night  had  not  been  fulfilled. 
Price  had  not  come  as  predicted,  and  that  was  so  much  to- 
ward the  conclusion  that  he  would  not  come.  About  ten 
o'clock  there  was  further  news  from  the  battle  field.  The 
coming  of  Pleasanton,  the  turning  of  the  tide  of  battle  the 
night  before,  and  the  prospect  of  complete  victory,  changed 
the  gloom  into  gladness.  It  was  Sunday  and  it  became  a  day 
of  general  thanksgiving.  There  were  no  public  services  held, 
no  gathering  of  the  people.  Every  man  was  required  to  be  in 
his  place,  but  every  man  felt  thankful.  The  Sabbath  that 
began  in  fears,  ended  in  peace  and  rejoicing.  The  sense  of 
relief  was  general  and  profound. 

The  next  morning,  Monday,  more  full  reports  came  in. 
The  details  of  the  battle  were  reported,  the  marvelous  deliver- 
ance in  the  very  nick  of  time,  the  completeness  of  the  victory. 
Price's  army  was  not  simply  checked,  it  was  routed,   and  was 


268  A    HISTORY    OF    LAWRENCE 

flying  southward  to  escape  capture  and  destruction.  The 
union  cavalry  were  in  hot  pursuit.  The  militia  companies 
from  below  were  coming  home  that  morning.  They  were 
coming  upon  the  new  railroad,  and  they  were  to  cross  the  new 
bridge.  Never  were  returning  heroes  welcomed  home  with 
more  general  rejoicing  than  were  these  veteran  militia-men  of 
three  weeks'  service.  The  whole  population  turned  out  to 
meet  them  at  the  bridge.  The  two  companies  in  town  forgot 
they  were  soldiers,  and  rushed  down  to  the  bridge  helter- 
skelter  like  a  lot  of  school  boys  let  loose!  The  troops  came 
over  the  bridge  in  military  order,  preceded  by  the  dear  old 
Lawrence  band  playing: 

"  When  Johnny  came  marching  home  again." 

They  were  dusty  and  bronzed,  and  had  evidently  had  a 
rougher  time  than  those  who  had  been  left  behind.  As  they 
came  up  Massachusetts  street,  all  the  people  did  shout,  and 
the  whole  town  was  one  scene  of  gladness.  The  returning 
companies  soon  broke  ranks  and  hastened  to  their  homes. 
In  a  few  days  the  order  came  and  the  militia-men  were  mus- 
tered out,  and  resumed  their  voluntary  service  as  before. 

'' Price's  invasion"  was  the  last  of  the  war  for  Kansas.  She 
was  not  disturbed  any  more.  The  season  was  too  advanced 
for  guerrilla  operations,  and  in  a  few  weeks  the  falling  of  the 
leaves  and  the  coming  of  winter,  gave  a  sense  of  absolute  se- 
curity. Everybody  was  now  comfortably  housed,  and  the 
winter  passed  quietly  and  without  any  marked  incident.  In 
the  spring  came  Appomatox  and  the  surrender  of  Lee's  army, 
and  the  end  of  the  war.  No  people  in  the  land  were  in  a  con- 
dition to  appreciate  the  blessedness  of  peace  as  were  those  of 
Lawrence.  From  the  first  settlement  until  now  they  had 
never  known  quiet.  It  had  been  wars  and  rumors  of  war  for 
ten  years.  The  town  had  been  besieged  and  sacked,  burned 
and  butchered  again  and  again.  When  one  trouble  ended  an- 
other began,  and  when  one  difficulty  was  settled  another  ap- 


TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  REBELLION.  269 

peared.  And  the  people  of  Lawrence  were  not  lovers  of 
strife.  Her  people  were  lovers  of  order  and  peace.  They 
only  stood  in  the  gap  for  conscience  sake  and  not  from  prefer- 
ence. Now  peace  had  come  after  all  these  years  of  strife. 
And  it  was  peace  that  would  stay.  The  roots  of  the  conflict 
were  gone.  Not  only  was  Kansas  a  free  state,  but  slavery  it- 
self was  abolished.  Kansas  had  won  her  case,  not  for  herself 
alone  but  for  the  nation.  She  had  not  stood  in  the  focus  of 
the  fight  for  naught.  When  Lawrence  realized  that  peace 
was  really  assured,  it  seemed  as  if  a  new  sun  had  arisen  in  the 
heavens,  and  a  new  atmosphere  had  given  vigor  to  life. 

And  peace  found  Lawrence  prosperous  as  she  had  never 
been  before.  The  ravages  of  Quantrill  had  been  more  than 
restored.  Nearly  all  the  business  houses  and  dwellings  de- 
stroyed had  'been  replaced  by  better,  and  nearly  every  busi- 
ness broken  up  had  been  resumed  and  enlarged.  The  popu- 
lation had  increased,  and  the  town  had  spread  beyond  the 
former  limits.  Now  under  the  ''benign  influences  of  peace" 
she  could  look  forward  to  years  of  progress  and  prosperity. 
She  could  appreciate,  for  all  there  was  in  it,  the  motto  of  the 
state  seal, 

' '  Ad  astra  per  aspera. " 


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